The possibilities and opportunities for Egyptian politics are due to the tireless work and dedication of the revolutionaries for a better country, a goal that will ensure their vital participation in the journey ahead In various Western and non-Western media, including several articles in Al-Ahram, there has been much recent criticism of and worry about Egypt's revolutionaries. In particular, by the end of March, pundits, bloggers and scholars wondered if the revolution was sputtering, and blame was placed on the alleged lack of organization and dearth of political savvy and experience within the January 25 movement. But anyone who had their ear to the ground knew far better than to underestimate the revolutionaries. What the critics and skeptics overlooked is the revolutionary spirit that seems to be embedded in the hearts and minds of those who campaigned and demonstrated so courageously for political change. Indeed, it is this observation that should cheer anyone with at least a passing interest in Egypt. The revolutionary spirit is a mindset and an energy that emboldened Egyptians to engender the emergence of an entirely new internal political landscape. And it currently yearns for the kind of political change—really, political progress—that produces a marked improvement in the lives of all Egyptians. This revolutionary spirit has taken a life of its own over the last two months. A part of this is because the revolutionaries have now tasted freedom, want more of it, and desire to have it sustained and protected for the future. But another part stems from the successful ouster of Hosni Mubarak. This event showed the revolutionaries that they now matter in Egyptian politics, and that their efforts can lead to positive outcomes. It is this revolutionary spirit that has kept the pressure on the governing authorities, which has led, in turn, to further successes for the January 25 movement. Just think about it. The NDP and State Security Investigations has been dissolved, Mubarak and his sons detained and questioned, Ahmed Shafiq dismissed as prime minister, and political prisoners released from prison, among other events. For only a few weeks of work, this is an especially impressive list of accomplishments. Going forward, sure, the revolutionaries will disagree with each other on some issues and support different political candidates for public office; that is already happening. And they must guard against jealousy of those who eventually garner more attention and political power. But as of now, and this is very important, they stand united on many of the major issues of the day—which include a preference for a slow, deliberate transition to national elections, an end to the emergency law, the creation of an interim presidential council and the exclusion of former NDP members from the National Dialogue. Furthermore, as the massive demonstrations of 8-9 April show, the revolutionaries are a force that is still engaged in politics and remains mobilised for political action. With this in mind, it is reasonable to say the revolutionaries are capable of making a profound impact on Egyptian politics. Let us look at a few ways in which they can, and likely will, contribute. First, because the revolutionaries embrace and support non-violent principles and tactics, as well as the ideas and institutions of democracy, they will function as a bulwark against extremism and any actor or group resistant to political reform. The revolutionaries will not be co-opted by either faction. And they will ensure that Egypt's new democracy will not be hijacked by unsavory elements. Second, the revolutionaries will be an essential part of the public discourse. Now that they have the freedom to do so, the revolutionaries will forcefully articulate their political, economic and social interests, demands and grievances. Additionally, the revolutionaries have numbers on their side, which means that their words and actions must be taken seriously. Third, by vigorously participating in Egyptian politics, the revolutionaries will help to fashion a democratic Egypt that is uniquely and organically Egyptian. Salient ideas, laws, institutions and policies will no longer be determined by detached elites or Washington. The revolutionaries will ensure that the foundations of democracy are openly and freely discussed and debated before any final decisions are made. In this way, Egypt's democracy will more closely than ever before reflect the will of the people. Fourth, the revolutionaries will aim to provide effective oversight over the government and its affiliated institutions. By forming political groups and parties, by getting elected to public office and by participating in the public discourse, they will be in a good position to provide the sunshine that is so needed for democracy to work fruitfully. And their healthy skepticism of governing officials and centralized power will greatly aid in these efforts. Specifically, the revolutionaries can be active players in addressing corruption, illegal activities, imbalanced state-society relations, the types of policies enacted, and so on. Fifth, the presence of the revolutionaries in politics will help to make Egyptian governments and their policies more legitimate. The youth, labour, women and religious groups, among others—those who were formerly underrepresented in or excluded from Egyptian politics—will be able to join and participate in formal and informal political channels. This means Egyptian politics will begin to mirror the diversity of Egyptian society. Governments that emerge from such settings are more likely to be backed by widespread public support. Certainly, before Egypt completes its journey toward democracy, there is much work still to be done. And there will inevitably be pitfalls along the way. But the revolutionaries have given Egyptians hope that progress on this journey will happen sooner than later. To be clear, they will not be the main motor behind the decisions made in Egypt, not now and probably not for a while. As critics have pointed out, there are groups and institutions that are more organized and these forces will acquire political power and guide Egypt's reform processes. The potency of the revolutionaries will be found in another role. They will mould, shape and influence Egyptian politics. So while the revolutionaries might not drive the reform process, at least for now, they can importantly help to steer it in the right direction. That bodes well for Egypt's future. The writer has a Ph.D. in political science from The Ohio State University and is Co-Founder and President of Center of World Conflict and Peace, a think tank with offices in Columbus, Ohio (USA) and Jakarta, Indonesia.
