The sectarian strife that has been plaguing Egypt for more than four decades is so ruinously dangerous that it should be addressed prudently and with much vigilance. As it mars the atmosphere of tolerance and peaceful co-existence between Muslims and Christians in Egypt, approaching such an extremely sensitive issue superficially will be nothing short of disastrous. So, an absolute imperative now is that we must take this issue more seriously. A complex and rampant phenomenon in Egyptian society, sectarian violence spawned as a result of a host of economic, social and cultural woes that have been infesting Egypt for a long time. I find myself compelled to contemplate the historical factors that created and fomented this grave sedition. This begs the following question: What is the relationship between the republican system established after the 1952 military coup and the sectarian tension that began in the 1970s in comparison with the liberal era from 1922 until 1952? There is a direct and undeniable link between the emergence of this monster on the Egyptian political landscape and the political system in place since 1952. Sectarian tension blighted Egyptian society because of the ill-advised policies pursued by the ensuing regimes. Despite the undisputed authoritarianism of Egypt's three heads of state since the coup, it is clear that neither Nasser nor Sadat nor Mubarak harbored any religious biases. Even Sadat's unwise and inflammatory decision to label himself "The Muslim President of a Mulsim state ; the constitutional amendments he made to Article 2 (which states that Islam is one of the principle source of legislation) as well as his moves to bolster the presence of Islamist groups - especially in Upper Egypt - did not betray a discriminatory attitude towards Copts as much as it betrayed his political opportunism. His brazen ploy to woo the Islamist groups in a virulent campaign to wipe out the communists, whom he considered to be the greatest threat, was not religiously motivated. Ironically, his plans fatally backfired when those same Islamists assassinated him in 1981. A profound reading of the Egyptian political scene during the July coup era may help draw significant conclusions. Many of the Free Officers who orchestrated the coup had ties, or were even members of the Muslim Brotherhood, including Nasser, while there was not a single Christian among them. And despite the fact that the regime launched a vicious attack on the Brotherhood, it was extremely reticent about including Christians within its ranks, which proves that it was the basic structure of the regime that has fueled the sectarian tensions. Some observers allege that the Christians in Egypt have been subjected to systematic forms of discrimination which alienated them and left them so disgruntled that some of them were radicalized. This sorry state of affairs can be attributed to the lack of true democracy which in turn undermines tolerance and harmony and fuels fanaticism and bigotry. This bleak picture dominating the domestic front today in Egypt is in stark contrast with the peaceful coexistence that used to mark the harmonious relations between the Muslim majority and the Christian minority in the years between the 1919 Revolution and 1952. There is no doubt that the political debacle experienced by Egypt in the wake of the July coup and which manifested itself in through the strict censorship of the media, the abolition of political parties and an iron grip imposed on civil society, took its toll on Muslims and Christians alike. However, Christians were further deprived of assuming any posts in intelligence or security agencies. This blatant injustice inflicted on the Christian minority accentuated the difference between living under an authoritarian regime and a democratic one. Hence it's safe to say that deplorable political conditions played a crucial role in compounding the Coptic predicament. Moreover, political and cultural awareness has considerably deteriorated because of the absence of intellectual enlightment in Nasser's era, eroding the basic values of citizenship, equality and national unity. Today we are in dire need of launching an awareness campaign to lead people to embrace the lofty values of religious tolerance and to renounce bigotry. The mass media and educational institutions can take this message far and wide. On the other hand, we must bear in mind that the current deplorable economic and social conditions that has more than 30 percent of the Egyptian population living under the poverty line, has easily made Egypt a breeding ground for social ills like extremism and religious fanaticism. Some religious facilities, whether Muslim or Christian, were embroiled in this vicious campaign of inciting hatred and stoking extremism on both sides. The houses of God mustn't be used as strongholds to disseminate erroneous and slanderous ideas, a situation that entrenches the divisions between Muslim and Christian communities. Fourth, the emergence of television channels that have nothing to do with religion, has inflamed that tension even further by deliberately distorting the true image of religion. Unfortunately, some of these channels are being aired and broadcast from Egypt. It is time we put an end to this farce. Last comes the divisive role played ignorant, malicious and narrow-minded preachers. Security and religious bodies must confront these insane voices that have no understanding the noble meaning of religion. The wave of artificial religiosity engulfing our country has left its impact on us by bringing in imported forms of social behavior and customs, greetings, courtesies and types of garments that are viewed as alien to our social milieu and that originated in Bedouin or even Pakistani communities. Such imported social mannerisms have alienated us from our social our cultural legacy to create unprecedented social and intellectual disarray both on the urban and rural level. We are facing real threats to our social cohesion, and our future as a nation. We must live up to this challenge and be keenly alert to this looming danger that jeopardizes our national unity, our last line of defence, before it's too late. Osama El-Ghazali Harbis the Editor-in-Chief of Al Siyasa Al Dawliya monthly published by Al-Ahram and is one of the founders of the Democratic Front Party.
