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Interview: Executive Director of the American Task Force for Palestine discusses the Palestinian UN bid
Published in Bikya Masr on 28 - 09 - 2011

WASHINGTON: The Palestinian statehood bid at the United Nations has provoked sharp debate in the occupied territories, elsewhere in the Middle East, throughout Europe and in the United States. The American Task Force for Palestine (ATFP) is one of the most important organizations affecting the relationship between the United States and the Palestinian Authority (PA). The ATFP believes “it is in the American national interest to promote an end to the conflict in the Middle East through a negotiated agreement that provides for two states – Israel and Palestine – living side by side in peace and security.”
The executive director of the ATFP, Ghaith al-Omari – a former Palestinian peace negotiator, former director of the International Relations Department in the Office of the Palestinian President and former advisor to Mahmoud Abbas – spoke with Washington, DC correspondent Ryan Doherty about the UN bid.
Bikya Masr: What is the official position of the ATFP on the Palestinian statehood bid? Is it neutrality?
Ghaith al-Omari: We're not taking an official stance because things are at play right now. We haven't seen a resolution and don't know what it will look like or entail. As an organization we will wait and see.
BM: How do you respond to former ATFP members, like Daoud Kuttab, who say the organization's position on the bid undermines its raison d'être?
Al-Omari: I don't want this to be an interview about the ATFP and internal organizational matters.
BM: Previously, you served in various senior positions within the Palestinian Authority, including Foreign Policy Advisor to the Palestinian President, Director of the International Relations Department in the Office of the Palestinian President and Senior Advisor to current Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Have you spoken to Mr. Abbas in recent weeks and, if so, what have you articulated?
Al-Omari: No, I have not spoken to Mr. Abbas recently.
BM: You have said the “key question is not what happens at the UN, but what happens afterward.” What do you foresee happening and how do you see it changing the dynamics of the conflict?
Al-Omari: First of all, it seems action on the ground has been peaceful, peaceful demonstrations are planned for the evening of September 23. There is always the risk of violence and it's important to maintain security cooperation [between Israelis and Palestinians]. There is still the chance for diplomacy over the next few weeks, which I believe will help forestall violence.
BM: If the General Assembly passes a resolution, it will not change any of the “facts on the ground” in the occupied territories. What additional steps should Palestinians take to achieve full independence?
Al-Omari: Two parallel paths must be taken. First, a new round of negotiations is necessary with terms of reference acceptable to Palestinians. Second, the on-the-ground work of [PA Prime Minister] Salaam Fayyad of building state institutions, improving governance and security and developing the private sector must be continued. These parallels are important: top-down as well as bottom-up—the institution building track.
BM: You have also said that preserving security coordination between Israelis and Palestinians is “vital.” Daoud Kuttab argues that “Denying Palestinian leaders this option is nothing more than pushing them into the hands of extremists who believe that Palestinian statehood can… be won only through violent resistance.” Are you worried that extremists on either side, such as Hamas or rogue Israeli settlers, will use the opportunity to stoke tension and commit violence?
Al-Omari: Absolutely, the general populations on both sides often don't agree with their governments. There is a need for security cooperation to anticipate such things and to contain them if they occur.
BM: Do you believe the United States can still play a constructive role in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process? Do you think a shift to multilateralism, involving groups like the Quartet, would be more effective in bringing an end to the conflict?
Al-Omari: Yes. The US is indispensable. In the past when the US has stepped back [from negotiations] nobody else has filled the gap and brought the two sides together. However, leadership doesn't mean a monopoly and the US has been using multilateral mechanisms like the Quartet to achieve progress. The Quartet has been very active and involved in recent weeks at the UN in trying to bring back negotiations. But ultimately, the US is indispensable.
BM: If the United States is forced to veto a Security Council resolution supporting Palestinian statehood what tangible effects will it have on American diplomacy and interests in the region?
Al-Omari: One thing is for certain, it will negatively affect the US standing in the Arab and Muslim world. The Arab Spring has been about domestic issues in Arab countries but a veto would stoke anti-American sentiment and move that issue to center stage in regional protests. It's too good of a card for anti-American forces not to use. There have been some anti-American demonstrations, a veto would inflame this. However, I don't think a vote [at the UN] will take place too soon.
BM: In the past you argued that, “Cutting off American aid would only damage the peace process, send the wrong signals to the Palestinian public and possibly lead to the collapse of the Palestinian Authority.” What actions is the American Task Force on Palestine taking to ensure that Congress does not cut off US aid to the Palestinian Authority?
Al-Omari: This is our main message right now. In our discussions with the [Obama] Administration and in our public statements we are saying that a cut US aid will ultimately damage US interests [in the Middle East]. It has been the focus of our analysis and advocacy.
BM: You have argued that a key to your work is “mutual respect and civilized discussion” and have engaged with many pro-Israel scholars such as David Makovsky of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and advocates from pro-Israel groups like AIPAC—a strategy that has been criticized by many Palestinians. Do you believe this type of dialogue is necessary between regular Israelis and Palestinians, who have become more separated in recent years and, if so, how should it be brought about?
Al-Omari: Yes, a dialogue is absolutely necessary. The absence [of a dialogue] has been one of the saddest and most destructive legacies of the violence of the past eight years. A dialogue must focus on mutual interests, such as the economy. In the economic sector, a dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians exists and it is not an abstract dialogue. It is important to find the intersection of interests and create a dialogue around these areas.
BM: Do you believe Palestinians are disenchanted with the leadership of the Palestinian Authority and its failure to end the Israeli occupation? Do you envisage any widespread popular protests in the West Bank in the spirit of the Arab Spring urging a change of leadership?
Al-Omari: I say this with a huge dose of humility because nobody could predict the protests in Egypt or Tunisia. Diplomacy has not produced any results over the past few years and Palestinians have become disenchanted with diplomacy. I think this is the main reason that Abbas went to the UN.
If he doesn't deliver there will be dissension. However, on the ground, Fayyad has improved governance, rooted out corruption and built state institutions. He has greatly changed and improved the situation on the ground. This is not a substitute for independence but success on the ground has created a situation that is very difficult to predict. Hamas has been discredited in public opinion, so that also helps create a very unpredictable situation. The situation is very vague; it's hard to predict where it will go.
BM: Do you believe if Abbas fails at the UN or, more importantly, that Palestinians perceive it as a failure that it will strengthen the hand of radicals like Hamas?
Al-Omari: Yes, the perceived failure of Abbas will play into Hamas' main message, which is that diplomacy doesn't work. It will make it much easier for Hamas and others to say diplomacy doesn't work and violence is the only way to secure independence.
BM


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