A few weeks ago, in a tardy speech to the labor movement, Mubarak laid down the gauntlet for the Egyptian opposition – “Enough with the slogans; show us what you've got in the way of solutions and programs.” Fair enough; taking on Mubarak's challenge shouldn't be too much of a burden. As a private citizen, unassociated with any party, I'm tossing my hat into the ring and offering up a little progressive democratic therapy for what ails Egypt. My only quandary is where to start. Perhaps the best place to begin is to give credit where credit is due – Sharm El Sheikh and Hurghada. The Egyptian tourist industry has flourished under Mubarak's regime. It now employs 12% of the work-force and generates over $10 billion in foreign exchange earnings. Over the last two decades, I've witnessed Sharm El Sheikh evolve from a barren landscape to a world class tourist destination and that's no mean feat. The trickle down effects from this one industry is one of the few remaining solid props for an ailing economy in a country burdened with taking care of 82 million inhabitants. The regime should also be credited with improving the country's infrastructure especially in the field of communications and transportation. Over the last decade, they've made Egypt a more attractive destination for foreign investors and allowed Egyptians free movement to venture abroad in search of their fortunes. Remittances from abroad are another prop that helps the country stay afloat. It's a rare Egyptian household that hasn't benefited from some of its members earning a living overseas. I'd say that pretty much takes care of the regime's accomplishments. Mubarak's economic policies have constructed a stool with two legs with 82 million anxious Egyptians trying to pile onto the wobbly structure. Now let's look at where the regime has failed and while we're at it, let's keep in mind that spectacular achievements in a few economic arenas are no excuse for the general deterioration in the standard of living for the majority of Egyptians who have not worked abroad or tasted the fruit of the thriving tourist industry. In fact, one can argue, that the very same regime that delivered the goods on tourism, infrastructure and foreign investments could have done a much better job in everything from education to anti-poverty programs. If there is one arena where the regime will leave an unenviable legacy it has to be the pervasive and endemic corruption. It's gotten out of hand and there isn't an Egyptian of sound mind who isn't aware of the systematic looting of the government coffers by bribery and special favors. The press has uncovered scandal after scandal involving the privatization of public sector companies and the distribution of government owned land. Addressing this problem would have required nothing more than zero tolerance for illicit gains and accountability from every public official regardless of social rank or political stature. To address the plague of corruption, there is no need to redesign the wheel. The statutes and legal framework for implementing a vigorous anti-corruption program remain intact. What is missing is the will to enforce the law. A credible anti-corruption program will not only act as deterrence to future breaches by public officials, the public coffers will be enriched with billions of pounds in restitutions. Moreover, it will restore the public's faith in clean government, an essential ingredient to fixing every other problem that ails Egypt. ** Part 2 will be published tomorrow, June 2 ** Ahmed Amr is an Arab-American economist, a political commentator and the former editor of NileMedia.com. He is the author of “Cilantro Dreams”, “The Sheep and the Guardians” and “My Name is Not Leila.” BM
