Egypt, Elsewedy review progress on Ain Sokhna phosphate complex    US employment cost index 3.6% up in year to June 2025    Egypt welcomes Canada, Malta's decision to recognise Palestinian state    Pakistan says successfully concluded 'landmark trade deal' with US    Sterling set for sharpest monthly drop since 2022    Egypt, Brazil sign deal to boost pharmaceutical cooperation    Modon Holding posts AED 2.1bn net profit in H1 2025    Egypt's Electricity Ministry says new power cable for Giza area operational    Egypt's Al-Sisi, Italian defence minister discuss Gaza, security cooperation    Egypt's FM discusses Gaza, Nile dam with US senators    Aid airdrops intensify as famine deepens in Gaza amid mounting international criticism    Egypt exports first high-tech potato seeds to Uzbekistan after opening market    Health minister showcases AI's impact on healthcare at Huawei Cloud Summit    On anti-trafficking day, Egypt's PM calls fight a 'moral and humanitarian duty'    Egypt strengthens healthcare partnerships to enhance maternity, multiple sclerosis, and stroke care    Egypt keeps Gaza aid flowing, total tops 533,000 tons: minister    Indian Embassy to launch cultural festival in Assiut, film fest in Cairo    Egyptian aid convoy heads toward Gaza as humanitarian crisis deepens    Culture minister launches national plan to revive film industry, modernise cinematic assets    I won't trade my identity to please market: Douzi    Sisi sends letter to Nigerian president affirming strategic ties    Two militants killed in foiled plot to revive 'Hasm' operations: Interior ministry    Egypt, Somalia discuss closer environmental cooperation    Egypt's EHA, Huawei discuss enhanced digital health    Foreign, housing ministers discuss Egypt's role in African development push    Egypt reveals heritage e-training portal    Three ancient rock-cut tombs discovered in Aswan    Sisi launches new support initiative for families of war, terrorism victims    Egypt expands e-ticketing to 110 heritage sites, adds self-service kiosks at Saqqara    Egypt's Irrigation Minister urges scientific cooperation to tackle water scarcity    Palm Hills Squash Open debuts with 48 international stars, $250,000 prize pool    On Sport to broadcast Pan Arab Golf Championship for Juniors and Ladies in Egypt    Golf Festival in Cairo to mark Arab Golf Federation's 50th anniversary    Germany among EU's priciest labour markets – official data    Paris Olympic gold '24 medals hit record value    A minute of silence for Egyptian sports    Russia says it's in sync with US, China, Pakistan on Taliban    It's a bit frustrating to draw at home: Real Madrid keeper after Villarreal game    Shoukry reviews with Guterres Egypt's efforts to achieve SDGs, promote human rights    Sudan says countries must cooperate on vaccines    Johnson & Johnson: Second shot boosts antibodies and protection against COVID-19    Egypt to tax bloggers, YouTubers    Egypt's FM asserts importance of stability in Libya, holding elections as scheduled    We mustn't lose touch: Muller after Bayern win in Bundesliga    Egypt records 36 new deaths from Covid-19, highest since mid June    Egypt sells $3 bln US-dollar dominated eurobonds    Gamal Hanafy's ceramic exhibition at Gezira Arts Centre is a must go    Italian Institute Director Davide Scalmani presents activities of the Cairo Institute for ITALIANA.IT platform    







Thank you for reporting!
This image will be automatically disabled when it gets reported by several people.



Salafobia
Published in Almasry Alyoum on 05 - 08 - 2011

Salafism is becoming the new bogeyman in Egyptian politics. The Islamist mass rally in Tahrir Square on 29 July, which was dominated by Salafis, showed just how intolerant some political forces in post-Mubarak Egypt can be. No, I don't mean the Salafis, but rather some liberal and secular groups that are keen on excluding Islamist voices from Egypt's new political arena. These groups not only demonize Salafis as a regressive current that aims to destroy the revolution and build a new dictatorship, they also deny their right to share Tahrir Square, a space of public dissent for all Egyptians.
Instead of tolerating Egypt's long-repressed Islamists and building normal relations with them, many liberals and secularists attacked Salafis for chanting religious slogans in Tahrir Square, while others chose to withdraw from the rally.
The sudden emergence of political Salafism in the wake of the revolution shows how much Egypt has changed, yet it also highlights the extent to which newcomers to the political arena can be made to feel unwelcome. Sure, the overwhelming presence of Salafis (many of whom opposed the revolution at the start) can be provocative. But there's nothing that shocking about Salafis raising conventional Islamic slogans, like “Islamyyia, Islamyyia”, or calling for the implementation of Sharia Law. Such chants are within the bounds of their freedom of speech. What's more striking, indeed frustrating, is when some liberals and secularists use the same fear-mongering tactics as the Mubarak regime to demonize Islamists, rather than engage with them.
“Salafobia” obscures significant transformations taking place within the Salafi movement.
First, since the fall of Mubarak, three Salafi political parties – Al-Nour (The Light), Al-Fadilah (The Virtue), and Al-Asala (Authenticity) – have been formed. So far, they seem to adopt democratic political views and are willing to reach out to secular and liberal forces. None of these parties espouse violence as a political tactic.
Second, the Salafi bloc is not a monolith. True, some Salafi leaders take a hostile stance towards democracy and secular parties, but others – especially younger Salafis – tend to be more moderate and pragmatic.
Third, and most important, many Salafis groups are now inclined towards integration into the political process. By excluding them, they may adopt more aggressive means to assert their political presence. There's a need to pull Salafism from the ideological periphery into the political center. If this happens, Egyptian Salafism can become less dogmatic and more open.
Most Salafis who went to Tahrir Square did so to counter-balance the power of emerging secular forces. They reject the adoption of any “supra-constitutional” principles prior to the elections, seeing this as an undeserved reward for liberals who feel bitter about losing the constitutional referendum. They also oppose any delays to the parliamentary elections, slated for November. In short, Salafis feel threatened that liberal maneuvers will come at their expense, ideologically and politically.
The conflict between secularists and Islamists is not just ideological, but also social. Salafis and their supporters come mainly from the Egyptian lower middle class, especially in smaller towns and rural areas, that has been alienated from official politics for the past three decades. Like any other political group, they're now fighting for their fair share in the post-Mubarak era. The Salafi-secularist divide represents a conflict of interests over how to re-construct Egypt's political system, rather than an irreconcilable clash of ideologies. For this reason, Egypt's Salafis should be talked to, not feared.
Khalil Al-Anani is a scholar at Middle East Institute at Durham University and expert on Islamist Politics. His latest book is The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt: Gerontocracy Fighting against the Clock (Shorouk Press 2008).


Clic here to read the story from its source.