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Tehran's second revolution
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 13 - 09 - 2007

Rasha Saad covers Iran's internal and foreign affairs
In the editorial "El-Baradei's courage and sharp US reaction", the Saudi daily Al-Riyadh wrote on Monday that American officials are very sensitive about dealing with any Arab or Muslim who enjoys a prestigious, international position. "This might be due to accumulated suspicions by the US that anyone who represents Islam and the Arab nationality is working against US interests until he proves his loyalty," the editorial said, referring to the recent confrontation between the US and chief nuclear inspector Mohamed El-Baradei who suggested it was too late to expect Iran to scrap its uranium enrichment programme. El-Baradei's approach to Iran led to accusations from Washington that he had overstepped his authority.
Another issue highlighted was the election of Iranian political leader Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani to head the influential Assembly of Experts which is responsible for selecting the country's supreme guide. In the London- based daily Asharq Al-Awsat, Sayed Wild Abah described the selection as "an important event for the Islamic Republic."
"This move is exceptional on two levels: firstly, the man's nature, political heritage and experience in public affairs and, secondly, the nature of domestic and regional circumstances that have taken Iran atop current international interests," Wild Abah wrote.
In Iran at present is the declining oil production, fuel which has become subject to rationing and the nuclear issue crisis. "In these gloomy circumstances, Rafsanjani has returned to the decision-making process by presiding over the Assembly of Experts, after passing through all the other gates -- the leadership of the parliament and the Expediency Discernment Council. Rafsanjani has not become a leading imam; rather he has gotten closer to the supreme leader of the Iranian regime," Wild Abah wrote.
Wild Abah argued that as Tehran's sources report that the health of supreme religious leader Ali Khamenei is in decline and is increasingly unable to carry out his responsibilities, it seems that Rafsanjani's influence will be bolstered and his presence in the decision-making pyramid will be consolidated.
Wild Abah concluded that Rafsanjani is adopting a similar model to that of the Chinese with its three pillars: economic openness, political centralisation and pragmatism in international relations.
"Rafsanjani may become the man at centre stage for the surrounding reformists and moderate clerics who have become aware of the need to let go gradually of the concept of velayat-e faqih [Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists] which was determined according to the standards of Imam Khomeini but which is no longer suitable given the Iranian transformation," Wild Abah wrote.
In the London-based Al-Hayat daily, Elias Harfouche said the press was exploiting "natural differences" among Iran's leadership through their commentary on Rafsanjani's victory.
According to Harfouche, the supreme leader does not deny the possibility of differences in opinion, and considers such differences normal and acceptable. Harfouche said Khamenei is anxious over the victory of his "opponent". He has warned the Iranian press against "antagonistic" explanations of Rafsanjani's win, adding that the Assembly of Experts should not become an arena for internal disputes given its enormous responsibilities.
"This implies that the policies of Khamenei and Ahmadinejad will be subject to the scrutiny of the assembly, whose main purpose is to oversee the head of state and to decide on his successor," Harfouche wrote.
Thus, Harfouche continues, the stage is set for a deep internal debate in Iran and a reconsideration of its regional aspirations and true national interests. Rafsanjani is known for his pragmatism and his willingness to go to great lengths to help his country avoid disaster. Therefore, wrote Harfouche, Rafsanjani has deep reservations about the path of isolation on which Iran has found itself due to its nuclear and regional adventures.
"What would hurt Rafsanjani is a continuation of America's short-sighted policy towards Iran. This would be Khamanei's only source of comfort and strength in the coming domestic showdown," wrote Harfouche.
President Ahmadinejad is leading the second Islamic cultural revolution as he seeks to "cleanse" Iranian higher education from what he regards as "the polluting influence of the infidel", warns Amir Taheri in Asharq Al-Awsat.
In "Iran: Muscle power vs brain power", Taheri wrote that the ruling establishment is clearly nervous about what would happen in universities when the academic year begins this month.
The purge ordered by Ahmadinejad started in July with the replacement of over 20 college deans. In almost every case, a bona fide academic was pushed out in favour of a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC).
Taheri cites reports that scores of professors and lecturers have been told that their services are no longer required. The purged teachers include individuals who had previously served as members of the Islamic Majlis or, in two cases, as ministers in pre-Ahmadinejad cabinets.
At the same time, dozens of academics have been arrested, including some returning from scientific conferences abroad. An unknown number of students have been arrested throughout the country. In Tabriz, capital of the East Azerbaijan province, all seven members of the student union were picked up last month and taken to an unknown destination. In Tehran, over 150 student activists have "disappeared" in recent weeks.
Taheri wrote that the first Islamic cultural revolution was launched in 1980 by Khomeini who closed all centres of higher education for two years. A committee was created to "cleanse" the universities.
When the universities were reopened two years later, Taheri continues, the committee tried to fill them with students and teachers sympathetic to Khomeinism.
"However, more than two decades of purges and cultural cleansing did not prevent Iranian universities from becoming major bastions of opposition to the Khomeinist ideology."
Taheri pointed out that at present, when it comes to the content of education, things are not as easy as the Tehran radicals might wish.
A report prepared for Ahmadinejad claims that at least 40 per cent of the textbooks in use in Iranian universities do not conform to Khomeinist dogma. The problem for the authorities is that it has alienated the Iranian intellectual elite.
According to Taheri, no Iranian author, academic or scientist of note, is prepared to participate in the so-called "Islamic Cultural Revolution". Efforts to find somebody to prepare a study on Khomeini's supposed "philosophy" have provoked only derision among intellectuals approached to assume the task.
"The first Islamic cultural revolution failed to subject generations of Iranians to mass brainwashing in the name of education. The second one will also fail. One national characteristic of Iranians is curiosity, and a taste for different and dangerous thoughts and ideas."


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