The saffron revolution sweeps Burma as the monks of Myanmar catch the democracy bug, writes Gamal Nkrumah The monks bite back. Yes, they have teeth. And, they have been grinding their teeth for more than two decades as the Burmese people struggle to free themselves from the yoke of military rule. Indeed, there has been much gnashing of the teeth in Burma (now officially known as Myanmar). The southeast Asian country has long been treated as something of a pariah state by Western nations. Its Asian neighbours, however, have been far more accommodating. Indeed, Burma is a full-fledged member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). "We believe that reconciliation is the best process for peaceful transition to democracy," explained Malaysia's Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Al-Bar. He spoke at the United Nations on behalf of the ASEAN group. Western nations, in sharp contrast, are vociferously condemning the ruling Burmese military junta. There is considerable hypocrisy, though, by the Western powers. They furiously castigate the Burmese authorities but are happy to do business with the oil and mineral rich country. Chevron of the United States and France's Total SA have invested heavily in the Burmese oil sector. American jeans-maker, Levi-Strauss, on the other hand, pulled out of the country in 1992. Under intense fire from Free Burma activists, Western countries are shying away from doing business directly with the Burmese generals. Asian companies, on the other hand, are under no such pressure. Daewoo, for instance, has a lucrative business in Burma. Asian investments, unperturbed by political instability in the country, are on the rise. Burma's strongman, Senior General Than Shwe, has spearheaded the campaign to free Burma from its self-imposed autarky and has led a conscious effort to integrate the Burmese economy into that of its more economically dynamic Asian neighbours. On 18 May 2007, Thein Sein was appointed prime minister precisely in order to accelerate the process of Burmese economic integration with its ASEAN neighbours. The Burmese people, meanwhile, have paid a terrible price. Civil liberties and freedoms are curtailed and the country has been denied the exhilarating advantage of people's power that has transformed the political scene in neighbouring countries such as the Philippines and Indonesia. Burma, overwhelmingly Buddhist, is a country where religion and state have traditionally been separated. The generals have in the past eschewed religion and relegated it to the cultural domain, stressing the socialist orientation of the state. The "Burmese Way to Socialism" was applauded since independence from Britain in 1948. Hitherto, Burma was administered as part of the British Raj, and the Indian and Chinese minorities dominate trade and commerce in the country. This has fueled the resentment of the ethnic Burmese who account for some 70 per cent of the 45 million-strong population. Other large and restive minorities include the ethnic Shan and Karen and it was the necessity of suppressing secessionist movements that was the principal excuse of the generals to hang on to power. They claimed that civilian rule would lead to political chaos and the disintegration of the country -- a catastrophe as far as the Burmese elite is concerned because most of the mineral wealth is located in outlying regions inhabited by ethnic and religious minorities. Some five per cent of Burmese are Christian and four per cent Muslim. However, the overwhelming preponderance of Buddhism is eminently tangible in the country. It is against this backdrop that saffron and crimson-clad monks in their tens of thousands calling for democracy, political reform and freedom of expression have become a highly visible symbol of political ferment in Burma. It is this powerful image that has hit the international headlines. The concern of the Burmese authorities and Burma's Asian neighbours is that it would not be maliciously used by Washington and other Western capitals to advance their own economic interests to the detriment of the Burmese people. Bloggers, both Burmese and those concerned about Burma's political future, have outwitted the Burmese authorities who block every remotely threatening website. China, too, has grave misgivings. Beijing has seen how over the years Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, has been given the red-carpet treatment and fêted in Western capitals. Chinese leaders suspect that some Western capitals would be happy to see a break-away Tibet. In much the same way, the ruling Burmese junta is extremely suspicious of the way in which Western powers have jumped on the bandwagon of Burmese democratisation. The sight of huge swathes of scarlet and russetted monks pressing towards the Shwedagon Pagoda in central Yangon raised the alarm bells among the generals. And, especially so when they stopped to pay tribute to the very embodiment of the Burmese democracy movement Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyii. The non-violent, peaceful demonstration has sent shock-waves through the Burmese military barracks. In the past, Burma was far more active on the international arena. Indeed, its most celebrated son, was the late U Thant, UN secretary-general from 1961 to 1971. The proud legacy of the Burmese people received a heavy blow with the prevention of the convening of the parliamentary government elected in 1990. Ever since, the Burmese authorities have tightened their iron grip on the country. Aung San Suu Kyii has been languishing under house arrest since 27 May 2006. She has been under detention for 12 of the past 18 years. Her late father, a revolutionary nationalist, was assassinated, it was rumoured by the British occupiers (Winston Churchill called him "a traitor rebel leader"), soon after he turned down an offer to become Inspector General of the Burmese Army. He opted instead to become a civilian political leader, a principled decision that cost him his life. Protest marches in Burma have emerged as the principal means of communications between the oppressive rulers and the oppressed ruled. Demonstrations are the umbilical chord between ruler and ruled. In a twisted sort of way it gives the rulers their prestige -- the pretense that some semblance of democracy is instituted and at work. But now they appear to be getting out of control. Picket lines and rallies by monks have become the order of the day. Western powers are tempted to make the most of the disturbances. Indeed, United States President George W Bush this week has threatened to impose more stringent sanctions against the Burmese authorities. Just how sincere Bush's wish for Burmese democracy to flower is a moot point. A collapse of authority and riots would be a golden opportunity for Western carpetbaggers to move in. All eyes are now on Aung San Suu Kyii. Can she live up to her father's legacy?
