A free press? Well yes and no, writes Gamal Nkrumah The Arab Journalists' Federation has released a report reviewing the state of the Arab media. The report has garnered much attention because it speaks of Arab journalists' determination to be more vociferous in their criticisms of Arab regimes, a reflection of the emboldened opposition in several Arab states and heightened public scrutiny and debate over a free and independent press. Chillingly, though, the report confirms suspicions that torture, disappearance and murder are a reality for journalists in many Arab countries, especially war-torn and politically unstable countries such as Iraq and Lebanon. In Egypt the situation, according to the report, is less desperate, and while it is true that journalists face serious challenges they are unlikely to end up dead. Ineffective law enforcement and corrupt courts will constitute most of the harassment Egyptian journalists face, though the report was released before the announcement of the extension of Egypt's state of emergency. The report highlights the vilification of independent pundits and the regime's crackdown on its critics after state prosecutors charged four journalists with inciting public disorder by spreading rumours about the health of President Hosni Mubarak. The official -- i.e. government-financed -- press urged proceedings on, demanding stiff legal penalties for those who used the greater margins of freedom of expression "irresponsibly". Government papers became the equivalent of the old woman who sits knitting, impatient for the guillotine to fall. Ibrahim Eissa, editor-in-chief of the independent daily Al-Dostour, was at the centre of the storm. His position in many ways exemplifies the problems facing journalists in Egypt. His writings are hailed by some of his colleagues as testing the limits of press freedom and criticised by others as giving journalists a bad name. However unsubstantiated his stories -- given the quality of information that official sources provide it is a moot point whether a substantiated story is better than the rumours which are the stock in trade of much of the opposition press -- what is important, the report points out, is that Eissa embodies a boisterous, independent press. His paper might lack the finesse of Al-Masry Al-Yom, but Al-Dostour did at least set out to deliberately cross "red lines". Eissa is clearly a man who makes the authorities twitchy. No surprise, then, that he has been summoned once again to court. Eissa's next appearance in the dock is on 7 June at the Agouza Misdemeanours Court. That he has worked on 10 publications that have been forcibly closed by the state says everything you need to know about the limits of press freedom in Egypt, says Eissa. That may well be, but it hardly answers the specific charges Eissa and three others face -- that they deliberately disseminated false rumours concerning the heath of President Mubarak, and in such a way as to compromise Egypt's national security. The journalists concerned -- the "famous four" -- are Wael El-Ebrashi of the independent daily Sawt Al-Umma, Adel Hammouda of Al-Fagr, former editor of the independent Al-Karama Abdel-Halim Qandil and, of course, Ibrahim Eissa. Without a judiciary that is functionally independent of the executive and a strong civil society to back them up what defences do journalists have against harassment from the regime? Many journalists have voiced their fears of reprisal by government officials. They believe the authorities are using the "famous four" as scapegoats. An article in which Eissa insinuated that President Mubarak's health was deteriorating caused something of an uproar. Last week's adjournment of Eissa's case was not the first. Convicted of spreading false information about the president's health in March, Eissa is almost certain to face a lengthy courtroom ordeal as appeals and counterappeals are filed. Does he mind? "The long night of Egypt must end and the shackles be broken," he thunders. And then, with more than passing melodrama, "I will not be the first to lose my liberty to help Egypt be free." That Eissa, El-Ebrashi, Hammouda and Qandil should have been the focus of the Egypt section of the Arab Journalists' Federation report reveals as much as it conceals. "There is plenty of room for improvement of press freedoms in Egypt but we must not forget that we have come a long way," Arab Journalists' Federation Chief Ibrahim Nafie told Al-Ahram Weekly. Other journalists concurred. "I can only speak about the section on Egypt. Yes, there have been important improvements in the state of journalism in the Arab world. There are greater freedoms and there is greater variation in the press. There are 17 daily publications, for example. And there are opposition party papers and independent papers. A wide range of opinions expressed in Egyptian papers today," says Makram Mohamed Ahmed. "Yet even though the margin of freedom has widened there are still oppressive laws that restrict the freedoms of journalists," concedes Ahmed. "The Press Syndicate refuses to engage with the authorities to advance the interests of journalists and improve their working conditions. It does not defend the rights of journalists and generally tows the government line. As far as the press freedoms are concerned, we are struggling to improve the situation, to advance the rights of journalists. It is all part and parcel of the democratisation process Egypt is undergoing." Journalists also have lessons to learn and while there would appear to be a growing taste within the profession for defying the authorities, bluntness -- in and of itself -- is of limited value in government circles. The sad fact is that journalists are left too often without the facts, and in the absence of reliable information the entire press, official, opposition, independent, call it what you will, is reduced to a single enormous rumour mill.
