Southern African leaders in vain seek solutions to the Zimbabwean political impasse, writes Gamal Nkrumah Leaders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) met over the weekend in Johannesburg, South Africa, to discuss the political crisis in Zimbabwe. However, they failed to reach an agreement. Most of the participants felt that Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe should surrender executive power -- a requirement that the chief Zimbabwean opposition figure Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), insists upon. A majority of the SADC leaders, however, believe that Mugabe could remain president, but with his wings clipped -- with more power in the hands of Tsvangirai as prime minister coupled with much curtailed presidential powers. Mugabe pre-empted Tsvangirai on power-sharing, but is unlikely to give too much on the rest. Western powers have acted more like fire-raisers than firefighters as far as Zimbabwe's land question and democratisation are concerned. Absurd though Mugabe's mimetic argument is, Zimbabwe's neighbours should call its bluff. Zimbabwe is in the throes of a political and constitutional crisis with profound implications for the country and for the southern African region as a whole. The trigger for this conflict was the land grab policy of President Mugabe, which was deeply resented by European settlers throughout southern Africa and by Western powers, especially Britain and the United States. Western powers promptly imposed economic sanctions against Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwean economy capitulated under the intense and calculated pressure. However, Mugabe's political rivals at home soon sought to make political capital out of the country's misfortunes, a calculated move that caused profound offence among Mugabe's supporters. The Mugabe regime then embarked on a clampdown that in turn deeply troubled some of the leaders of neighbouring countries who saw in his actions a direct rebuttal of the Western-style democracy they had successfully adopted. Southern African leaders have been quick to tap into the euphoria of budding democracies. And, it is against this backdrop that some southern African leaders strongly resent Mugabe's intransigence. Botswana's President Seretse Khama Ian Khama, for instance, boycotted the SADC summit because Mugabe was invited. "The fact that Botswana's president would not attend this weekend's SADC summit would not diminish the importance of unity within the region," declared an upbeat South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma just before the SADC summit commenced. A vociferous critic of Mugabe, Zambian President Levy Mwanamasa died in Paris on Tuesday after suffering a stroke during the Sharm El-Sheikh African Union summit earlier this year. "A speedy conclusion," South African President Thabo Mbeki counselled, must be reached "so that it becomes possible to address the enormous challenges that face the masses of the people of Zimbabwe." Mbeki was addressing fellow southern African leaders on the eve of the two-day 28th SADC summit. "We must over this weekend draw on the inspiring legacy of the frontline states to help put Zimbabwe on the right road to its recovery and the resumption of its role as a major driver of the process of our region," Mbeki told delegates at the Sandton Convention Centre, Johannesburg. Alas, the infectious optimism that overwhelmed SADC delegates at the start of the summit soon turned into gloom. "ZANU-PF [Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Frontand] it's allies are still committing violent abuses, undermining the party's credibility as a political partner," Georgette Gagnon, the Africa director of the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) warned. "There can be no trade off between the political process and the need for justice and an end to human rights abuses," Gagnon explained. She criticised SADC's focus on what she termed "quick political fixes" and its reluctance to conjure up "durable solutions" for Zimbabwe. HRW's views corresponded to those of the SADC Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (SADC-CNGO). The SADC-CNGO issued a statement in which it denounced ZANU-PF's arm-twisting tactics. It called on Zimbabwean police, security forces and military to be "confined to the barracks". It was also highly critical of the brutish acts of torture and violence by the pro-ZANU-PF youth militias and the war veterans. Moreover, the presidential run-off elections of 27 June were dismissed as "illegitimate", and SADC-CNGO urged the formation of a SADC peacekeeping force to be dispatched to Zimbabwe as soon as possible. A long-predicted correction in southern African politics is now underway. The pressure on Mugabe and his ruling ZANU-PF is increasing steadily. "It is better not to have a deal than to have a bad deal," Tsvangirai was quoted as saying in The New York Times. The former trade unionist leader signalled his interest in the top job. As ever with seasoned politicians, one has to disentangle the reality from the perception. As far as Mugabe and his henchmen are concerned, Tsvangirai is a traitor and a Western stooge. Realpolitik dictates, though, that Mugabe must contemplate taking Tsvangirai aboard as his prime minister. Whatever his faults might be, one cannot accuse Mugabe of incoherence. He is forthright and it is his candidness that has buried the hopes that surfaced during the SADC summit in Johannesburg when he refused to budge over key questions of power-sharing. Instead, a blizzard of tiny promises clearly indicated what he intended to do on a few key issues. Tsvangirai, on the other hand, is a wily politician. Tsvangirai participated in the SADC summit as an observer. He was happy and humble enough to do so. However, he, too, spoke his mind -- maybe not so loud and clear as Mugabe but he subtly expressed his views. He is a master of diplomatic niceties, and his South African hosts revel in his political acumen. In particular, he highlighted the need to devolve decisions away from ZANU-PF. Tsvangirai's sentiments were echoed in South Africa. The powerful South African trade unions have pledged support for Tsvangirai and his MDC. They have promised to obstruct the transport of goods from South African ports to landlocked Zimbabwe, accentuating the economic crisis in Zimbabwe. Their refusal to handle Zimbabwean trade would surely have catastrophic implications for the Zimbabwean economy. The political situation in South Africa could not be more different than that in neighbouring Zimbabwe. South Africa is among the most democratic of African countries. Not only is the South African constitution among the most liberal in the world, but the very culture of democracy pervades the entire spectrum of South African society. The irony is that South Africa faces much the same social and economic challenges that constitute the legacy of racial discrimination and land appropriation. Hopes are now pinned on SADC being a harbinger of change. These hopes, however, were dashed at the Johannesburg summit. That is not to say that there is no hope for change in Zimbabwe -- simply that it might take longer than at first anticipated by the SADC leaders.
