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None of our business
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 05 - 03 - 2009

Early this month, the international court on Al-Hariri's assassination began its work. What does Syria think of the impending trial? Bassel Oudat asks from Damascus
The assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Al-Hariri in February 2005 didn't augur well for Syria. After the assassination, Damascus had to pull its troops from Lebanon and saw its political influence diminish in a country that it long regarded as a bargaining chip in the regional game.
The assassination heightened the suspicions and hostility many Lebanese felt about the Syrian regime. Syria still has strong allies in Lebanon, such as Hizbullah, Amal, Michel Aoun, and others, but its clout is mostly gone.
Al-Hariri was assassinated four years ago along with 22 of his associates. In the following months, several anti-Syrian Lebanese figures were killed, their murder generally blamed on Syria.
The initial findings of the first international investigator, Detlev Mehlis, pointed to Syria's involvement in Al-Hariri's assassination. But Damascus vehemently denied the charges, saying that neither the government nor any Syrian officials were involved.
The Syrian army went into Lebanon in the mid- 1970s and remained there until Al-Hariri's assassination. During that time, Syrian intelligence services practically ran the country, and Damascus cultivated many allies among the Lebanese. So who else but the Syrians would have the wherewithal to pull off such a sophisticated assassination, many asked.
Syria opposed the formation of an international investigation committee, claiming that it was all a gimmick meant to isolate Damascus and undermine its stature. Syria also questioned the professionalism of Detlev Mehlis, saying that he was moved by political considerations. Still, Damascus agreed to have international investigators interrogate high-ranking Syrian officials.
As a reaction to the formation of the international investigation committee, the Syrian government formed its own commission of enquiry into the assassination. This was four years ago, and still little is known about this commission and its work.
Judge Detlev Mehlis prepared a second report, naming some Syrian and Lebanese officers as suspects, but he struck out the names before the report was released. A Lebanese judiciary source said that the removal of names from the Mehlis report aimed to protect the named officials. The source expected the men in question to appear in court soon.
The Mehlis report accused the Syrian authority of evasive tactics. Mehlis said that his committee identified 19 people, Syrian as well as Lebanese, who were potentially involved in the case, and needed to question more high-ranking Syrian officials. Again, Syria accused Mehlis of having a political agenda.
The international committee concluded that Al-Hariri and the Syrian leaders were on a collision course before the assassination. Then something strange happened. Abdel-Halim Khaddam, the former Syrian vice- president, said that President threatened Al-Hariri in person during the latter's last visit to Damascus in August 2004. The two men had an argument over the extension of President Emile Lahud's term, and Al-Hariri was adamant that Lahud should leave office. According to Khaddam, ordered the assassination, and had it carried out with help from his brother and brother-in-law.
, who expelled Khaddam from the Baath Party and called him a traitor, denied the charges. Soon after, a spokeswoman of the international committee said that the committee requested interviews with Syrian President Bashar and Farouk Al-Sharaa, who was foreign minister at the time.
The interview with was turned down immediately, but Syria agreed to let the investigators talk to Al-Sharaa on the understanding that this was not to be an interrogation. Damascus also called on the committee to sign a special "protocol" defining the manner of its cooperation with the investigation.
According to Arab diplomatic sources, President consented to answer questions submitted to him in writing, but only after having being asked to do so by Egyptian and Saudi officials. Syria asked the investigating committee to observe complete media silence, and chief investigator Brammertz, who took over in 2006, agreed to those terms. Al-Sharaa was later appointed vice-president, perhaps as a way of telling the world that he was above suspicions.
In February 2005, Brammertz visited Damascus and met briefly. The first report by Brammertz mentioned that the Syrian government was cooperating in a satisfactory manner but that more assistance was needed.
Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Al-Muallim says that Syria has cooperated "in full" with Brammertz, adding that Damascus wanted the perpetrators identified, if only to clear its name. Syria then hired legal agencies and experts to evaluate the reports of the international committee.
As assassinations continued in Lebanon, Syria was once again accused of being behind the killings. The Lebanese majority claimed that the Syrian regime was trying to paralyse the Lebanese government in order to obstruct the investigation.
As the time for setting up the international court drew near, Syria said that its citizens cannot be handed over to international trial and if need be would be tried in Syrian courts.
In June 2007, the UN Security Council decided to set up an international court for Al-Hariri's assassination. Syria said that the whole matter is none of its business, claiming that national sovereignty supersedes international resolutions. Damascus, however, promised to prosecute any Syrian believed to be involved in the assassination in its own courts.
Since the beginning of the investigation, many Arab and European countries have taken a dim view of the Syrian regime. The EU decided to freeze its relations with Syria until the murderers of Al-Hariri are identified. And although Syria did much to improve its ties with Europe last year, indignation over Al-Hariri's assassination still runs deep. In a recent telephone call with the Lebanese president, President Obama said that the US fully supports the international court. Nicolas Sarkozy said more or less the same thing.
As the court began its work early this month, Syrian Deputy Foreign Minister Faysal Al-Meqdad said that the accusations against Syria were not going to "stir one Syrian hair", adding that Syrian courts will try anyone believed to have taken part in the assassination. Damascus has nothing to fear and wants the truth to come out, Syrian officials pointed out.
In Lebanon, the anti-Syrian 14 March Movement said it was not interested in revenge, but in knowing the truth. But this may take some time yet. No indictment is expected for months, and it may be years before any convictions are issued.


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