Nabil Fawwaz assesses the record of Algeria's would-be president-for-life Since he was re-elected for another term on 9 April, Algerian President Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika has been upbeat about the future, telling everyone that he intends to rid Algeria of its troubled past. But what exactly are his chances of success in a land torn by violence and mistrust? Since his first presidential victory in 1999, Bouteflika has made "national reconciliation" his rallying cry. Defying all those who called for "surgical elimination" of all terrorists, Bouteflika insisted on bringing the stray sheep to the fold, and did rather well, at least by his own account. As soon as he took office in 1999, Bouteflika asked the nation to participate in a referendum on "civil reconciliation", and won that vote. He did the same thing in 2004, with more or less the same success. This prompted some people to say that the man cannot function without getting two mandates -- one through elections and another through referenda. Others says that Bouteflika likes to use the latter to silence those who question the probity of Algerian elections. Under Bouteflika, security improved gradually in Algeria, but the spectre of terror, assassinations, and bombings never went away. Now observers expect Bouteflika to hold another referendum on national reconciliation that may involve a complete amnesty. But in a country still shaken by the memory of the spectacular blast of a major government mansion in spring 2007, worries are hard to dissipate. And what makes the elimination of terror an even harder task is the fact that radical groups have recently joined a new organisation called Al-Qaeda in the Countries of the Arab Maghreb. Still, many Algerians would support Bouteflika's declaration of full amnesty, as it may defuse some of the lingering tensions in the country. Algeria's recent past, some say, mimics the fictional fantasies of Steven Spielberg. This is particularly true with the waves of desperate immigrants who keep leaving the country on unseaworthy boats heading north. Many of the boats end up at the bottom of the sea, bodies later drifting ashore. The phenomenon started with the young and desperate, then got worse when older people and children started appearing among the victims. Now the government has a law telling journalists to stop glamourising the boat people, or according them victim status. Journalists are disgusted by that law, calling it an insult added to the injury. When allowed to speak, would-be illegal immigrants say that they have to flee a country in which one has no hope. The government doesn't like to hear that. And its friends in the media claim that the illegal immigrants have been cheated by racketeers peddling false promises. Whichever way you look at it, the boat people are nothing but a slap in the face of Algerian authorities. An Egyptian film from the 1980s was called The Poor Don't Go to Heaven. Nothing can better describe the job market in Algeria. Nepotism, cronyism, and favouritism are what get you a job in Algeria. If you don't know someone who knows someone, just forget it. Even private businessmen rarely employ people from outside the circle of their acquaintances. And they pay them a pittance. And there is no social security or benefits worth mentioning. As for women, it is embarrassing to mention the full range of scams they encounter when seeking jobs. Ironically, experts say that the problem with the job market is not a lack of jobs. Even when the economy expands and the demand for labour increases, the job market does not improve. It is so steeped in corruption and nepotism that the young are justified in their pessimism. A month or so ago, hundreds of young men rioted in Mostghanem province. They claimed that the government wasn't paying attention to their needs and then went on a rampage to vent off their anger. It is this kind of anger, usually kept below the surface, that the government should watch out for. Discontent in Algeria is not all about violence, but about the lack of opportunities, the paucity of jobs. Housing is another serious problem. Since Bouteflika came to power a decade ago, the country has moved ahead. It has regained much of what it had lost in the international arena. It is attracting foreign investment at an impressive rate. Economists expect investment of $150 billion in the next five years -- a stunning sum for a country of Algeria's size. But Bouteflika's record is not without blemish. So far he has improved security, but he is yet to sort out the mundane things, such as housing and jobs. His optimism is commendable, but he will need more courage and resolve.
