Relations between France and its former north African colony are characterised by intrigue, says Nabil Fawwaz The level of tension in Algerian-French relations has risen over the past few days, following French President Nicolas Sarkozy's call for a re- investigation of the 1996 massacre of six monks in Tibhirine, 90km south of the capital Algiers. Buchwalter, a retired French general has testified that the Algerian army was involved in the assassination, based on information leaked by a former Algerian soldier who now lives abroad. This decision sparked Algerian political indignation, as Algeria views it as provocation and blackmail by the French government, letting the Armed Islamic Group, originally held responsible for the massacre, off the hook. There are four different takes so far on Sarkozy's interest in reopening this case. First, that Sarkozy is raising the issue of the monks' massacre as a kind of political blackmail to silence the call of the Algerian people for an official apology from France for the French army's occupation of Algeria from 1830 to 1962. French human rights activists have joined in the demand for an apology as well. So far, the French government's refusal to apologise to Algeria is simply hypocritical in light of Sarkozy's continued insistence that Turkey apologise to the Armenians. Another explanation is that Sarkozy is using the monks' massacre to try to divert attention from the massacre of French engineers in Pakistan between 2000 and 2008. The massacre was a retaliation of then French president Jacques Chirac's decision to stop supplying Pakistan with military submarines. Chirac put a stop to the weapons deal after finding that bribes from the deal helped finance the 1995 election campaign of Edouard Balladur, who had taken over from the late president François Mitterand. The British Independent recently reported some details of the incident, adding that the families are demanding that Sarkozy reveal the truth about the massacre. Political analysts read the situation as an attempt by the French government to ratchet up pressure on Algeria, especially economic pressure. France does not want to lag behind in the growing competition with other powers to invest in Algeria. Paris wants to increase its traditional influence and domination of Algeria, especially after the Egyptian company Orascom Telecom won the bid for the largest mobile phone deal in Algeria, a deal which still provokes French outrage. The French company Orange was beaten out by its Egyptian rival. Asian and Arab investments in Algeria have risen as French investment declined. Other sources see Sarkozy's reopening of the case as a purely internal French political intrigue. Those hostile to Algerian President Bouteflika, after his re-election last April, have rallied under the issue of the massacre. Bouteflika's opponents are now eager to oust him from office. Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika's era is defined by diversification of foreign partners and the weakening of French influence in Algeria. Those who dream of strengthening their investments in Algeria are now faced with a growing wave of Arab and Asian investments. French privileges in Algeria are threatened and, as the saying goes, the best defence is an offence. Another example of this is the case of Algerian diplomat Mohamed Ziane Hassani, who was arrested in Paris last summer for alleged involvement in the murder of a French citizen, a political official named Ali Mecili. This issue soured relations between the two countries until the diplomat was released after six months spent under judicial supervision in France. Another example is the arrest of the musician Cheb Mami in Paris. The secret to his arrest is his special relationship with President Bouteflika. Cheb Mami was accused of kidnapping his girlfriend from Paris and forcing her to have an abortion. Algerian President Bouteflika's visit to Paris this coming autumn will provide a chance to decide just what Sarkozy has in mind for relations between the two countries.
