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There's still time
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 21 - 07 - 2011

The new state of South Sudan could build a good relationship with the Arabs, so it is time to reach out before others fill the vacuum, warns Asmaa El-Husseini in Juba
When youth in South Sudan waved Israeli flags along with the flag of the nascent state of South Sudan during recent celebrations of independence, there was a serious backlash in the Arab world. Many Arab states view South Sudan with suspicion, caution and fear that it will become a hostile state that threatens their national security.
Many southern leaders have repeatedly said that the new country wants to become a promoter of peace and stability in the region, seeks strong ties with Arab states, and under no circumstance will be a threat to Arab national security. They also say that they were forced to secede from bigger Sudan because of policies which marginalised and victimised them, at the hands of consecutive central governments in Khartoum that failed to manage the immense diversity and plurality of religions, culture, ethnicities and tribes in Sudan.
Although the Arab street now easily understands that injustice caused the citizens of some Arab countries to protest and demand the overthrow of their rulers, the same street seems incapable of understanding that the same injustices and worse caused others in the Arab region to demand secession, including those in South Sudan.
A few Israeli flags waved in Juba on Independence Day quickly summoned conspiracy theories to the minds of the Arabs, in light of statements by Israeli leaders and leaked Hebrew studies about Israel's plans to loosen and severe the limbs of the Arab world and fragment Arab states. Many of these leaked Israeli studies revealed that Tel Aviv is excessively focussed on Sudan, at the heart of the Arab nation and the true link between the Arab and African worlds, and African Arab states north of the Sahara and southern African states. These studies looked at Israel's early focus on supporting the first rebellion in the South, the Anyanya, whose leader Joseph Lagu confirmed Israeli support.
Lagu's admission confirmed that Israel's interest in Sudan is not imagined by the Arabs -- who are generally highly susceptible to conspiracy theories. Although Israeli studies later confirmed that Israel provided military and training assistance to the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) led by John Garang, and also to the faction which later separated in the 1990s led by Riek Mashar and Lam Akol, all these players denied such assistance and objected to the notion.
On the other hand, the leader from Darfur, Abdel-Wahed Mohamed Nour, who heads the Sudan Liberation Movement, suddenly announced to the Sudanese and Arab public his recognition of Israel and opened an office for his movement there. In recent years, Israel has become the haven of Sudanese refugees fleeing Darfur and other Sudanese regions via Egypt, despite the barbed wire and bullets, to reach the Jewish state. They became the best promoters of Israel which wanted to portray itself as an oasis of democracy and human rights in a desert of Arabs plagued with dictatorships. These Sudanese nationals fleeing to Israel also became a conspicuous denunciation not only for failed regimes but also for societies which failed to embrace them.
Consecutive regimes in Sudan continued to use any arsenal to garner the support and sympathy of the Arab and Muslim world in its battle with the South, which began well before South Sudan's independence in 1955. It went through many phases, most prominently a truce after signing the Addis Ababa treaty between 1974-1983, which former Sudanese president Jaafar Al-Numeiri violated by applying Islamic Sharia and other controversial administrative measures in the South. The leaders who succeeded him in Khartoum used all available weapons in the war with the South, as did the rebellion movements. Each side portrayed the conflict as one between northern Arab Muslims and southern African Christians, although many facts on the ground in Sudan disproved some of these claims by both sides.
This precise division was not entirely accurate, since there was no religious strife among the Sudanese people, especially in the South where one family would include Muslims, Christians, and followers of African religions. But once religion was manipulated by both sides, funding and assistance flowed from churches, lobbyists and interest groups, as well as Islamic organisations and donor countries, adding more fuel to the fire and igniting the civil war further.
In the mind of the Arabs, the South became a dark hole where plots by the US, Israel and others were being hatched. Not enough effort was made by the Arab world to make the people of the South feel they are part of the Arab region or assist them as a neighbour should, except on rare occasions. Despite the infrequency, this assistance greatly resounded with the people of the South who are loyal to those who are good to them.
For example, they still remember with deep gratitude assistance and projects by Kuwait when they signed the peace deal in Addis Ababa in 1974. The Kuwaiti ambassador to Khartoum at the time, the late Abdullah Al-Sari, became a popular and beloved figure among southerners who nicknamed him Abdullah Juba in recognition of his generosity and work ethic. When Iraq invaded Kuwait demonstrations broke out in Khartoum in support of the late Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, while southerners came out en masse to demonstrate their solidarity with Kuwait; Garang even offered the Kuwaitis SPLM's assistance.
At the same time, until today the people of the South become teary-eyed when they remember Egypt's help throughout the years, which since the beginning offered academic scholarships at Egyptian universities. Today, almost 60 per cent of leaders in the South are graduates of Egyptian universities, and there is growing awareness in the South about the importance of ties with the Arab world. There is also a strong sense about the need to separate negative feelings towards the Arab and Muslim world as exemplified by consecutive regimes in Khartoum on the one hand, and other examples of Arabs and Muslims who are more compassionate, humane and just.
The character of the nascent southern state is being formed, as many regional and international players race to compete to influence this politically, economic, culturally and socially virgin state and benefit from its many resources and strategic location. Some want it to become a failed state through in-fighting, and a neighbour to another failed state in North Sudan, at war with each other and exhausting one another in a futile war. This would make both countries open to manipulation and control.
Without the presence of a strong effective Arab role in the nascent southern state during the formative stage, many issues will be settled without the involvement of the Arabs. They might find themselves very soon estranged from this new state, not because the people of the South wanted this but because conditions, pressure and conflicting interests caused it.
The creation of a new state in South Sudan now requires the Arabs and the people of the South to revise their positions regarding relations in the future. Arab countries have already taken the initiative by directly recognising the new state; the first two states to recognise South Sudan after North Sudan were Egypt and the UAE, followed by the rest of the Arab countries. Nonetheless, representation of these countries at Independence Day celebrations was dwarfed by massive African representation. The ceremony was only attended by two Arab leaders, namely Djibouti President Ismail Omar Jila and Somali President Sheikh Sherif Sheikh Ahmed -- two Arab African states -- while some 30 African leaders were in attendance.
Egypt was represented with a delegation led by the deputy prime minister and the ministers of foreign affairs and electricity, while other countries sent only one minister. Neither did Nabil El-Arabi, secretary-general of the Arab League, attend the ceremony and instead delegated the League's assistant secretary-general Mohamed Al-Khamlishi. Former Arab League secretary-general Amr Moussa didn't show up either, although southern leaders invited him as a private citizen.
Both sides must now decide on the nature of relations between them in the future. The state of South Sudan declared that it desires strong ties with Arab states, but did not specify the format of the relationship. Although the Arab League has welcomed the notion that the nascent state should become a member of the organisation, it seems that South Sudan will not apply for membership and will suffice with observer status.
It is certain that the nature of relations with the southern state will depend on what the Arabs expect of it, and more importantly what they do and initiate on all levels with South Sudan "" especially in terms of calming tensions with North Sudan and participating in developing and constructing the South which needs intensive assistance on all levels. Also, by building effective relations based on a new framework of understanding, knowledge, compassion and cooperation. It is an opportunity for Arab states to construct rewarding relations with South Sudan. Although each Arab state today has its own problems, this issue remains of dire importance.


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