One of the most interesting things about the demands of recent Arab revolutions is that they are quite pragmatic. Absent from these demands are ideological rhetoric and nationalist slogans. Absent also are any calls for independent development policies that rid us of foreign hegemony or calls to liberate Palestine, let alone the Golan. In the million-man demonstrations held in Tahrir Square, only once did the demonstrators make a point of hoisting the Palestinian flag. This poses some questions about the long- term impact of these revolutions on the region and the course of the conflict with Zionists. The list of domestic grievances mentioned by the demonstrators is long: cronyism, corruption, tyranny, lack of freedom, suppression of human rights, absence of social justice, etc. These grievances, central to Arab revolutions as they are, have resonated across borders, from Tunisia to Egypt and beyond. The Arab revolutions have spoken to the deep needs of the people, to needs that neither governments nor the conventional opposition have been able to meet for decades now. No wonder the young generations had to speak out at last. But one thing they didn't seem to dwell upon very much are the slogans of Arabism and nationalism that had inspired earlier generations. One reason the youth movements failed to stress nationalist and Arabist demands is that they focussed on immediate demands, and the need to topple those regimes that had failed them for so long. The Arab revolutions were grassroots revolutions in the whole. They were not led by conventional parties; nor were they triggered by any of the well-established political groups. However, the absence of a political project on the part of the young revolutionaries gave the traditional political opposition -- such as the Muslims Brotherhood and the Wafdists, and even the followers of the ousted ruling regime -- the chance to hijack the revolution and control its course. The Arab revolutions have struck a chord with the entire population. Across the Arab world, people were elated at the prospect of change happening at last. But few gave enough thought to the future of the revolution. Few appreciated the consequences of its inward-looking political agenda. Some have taken the absence of grand ideology to be a good sign. Some, seeing the sad end of conventional Arab political movements, felt that nothing of value has been lost. Under traditional leaderships, this region has failed to achieve credible development or challenge the hegemony of Zionist colonialism. Our development projects stalled. Our much-vaunted social justice stumbled. And as the gap between rich and poor widened, tyrannical regimes muzzled speech, suppressed innovation, and bent over backwards to the will of foreign powers. Most people were happy to see the revolutions upset the status quo. If this were to prove their only achievement, some would say, it is still a remarkable one. But the course of later events calls for a closer look at the situation. Some people give social media, such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, full credit for the dramatic changes we've seen in the region of late. This may be an oversimplification of a far-reaching historical event. Human revolutions started much earlier than the communications revolution. They are the culminating act in a long process of social change. They may all appear to belong to the same genre, but each social upheaval has a distinctive anatomy and path. The youth revolutions we've seen in this region have so far taken a purely pragmatic course, one in which ideological slogans seem to be absent. Mostly, this is because of the nature of the historical experience of these youths and the fact that they were caught up in an extraordinary twist of events. Sadly, however, those who negotiated with the transitional authorities and those who so far reaped the results of the revolution are well-established political groups -- some of them have been around for over eight decades. Some of those groups benefited from the referendum on constitutional amendments in Egypt. Some had no qualms holding alliances with the National Democratic Party when it was in power. Some had sided with Ismail Sidqi against the liberals in the 1940s. Some had taken sides with King Farouk and, albeit briefly, with Gamal Abdel-Nasser's regime. In Tunisia, Al-Nahda Party is reaping the fruits of the revolution, finally having found the opportunity to be part of the decision-making apparatus in that country. In Libya, those who are taking charge are not the youth that sparked off the revolution, but politicians who come from abroad or are former members of Muammar Gaddafi's regime. Some worked as advisors in Western organisations, such as the International Criminal Court, which explains why it was easy for them to coordinate with the NATO coalition now taking action against Gaddafi. In Jordan and Syria, other groups acting under the slogans of reform and revolution are trying to take power. In Yemen, the US administration is getting involved in talks between the revolutionaries and Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime. Interestingly, the usual chants against America and Israel have been absent from the Arab revolutions. This has been the case even in countries bordering Israel, and even at times when Israel was getting belligerent in the West Bank and Gaza. The long-held goals of Arab struggle are well known. Things such as development, justice, economic integration, the creation of modern states, and the battle with the Zionists, are part and parcel of life in this region. Some of these goals may disappear from the scene, but only temporarily.
