Though Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad has issued an amnesty for the country's political detainees, this has not been enough for demonstrators across the country, writes Bassel Oudat in Damascus After 10 weeks of protests against Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad's regime, during which some 1,100 people have been killed across the country and tens of thousands arrested, according to human rights monitors, amnesties were issued last week for all those accused of taking part in the disturbances. According to the official Syrian media, the pardons will include members of the Muslim Brotherhood and other detainees belonging to other political groups. While commentators at first described the amnesties as an attempt to empty the country's prisons, it subsequently turned out that the amnesty decree would only affect some 15 per cent of the country's political prisoners, along with a mass of regular criminals. The decree only includes a small number of political detainees, the majority of whom have been sentenced on non-political charges, such as "weakening national feeling". The amnesty also does not affect Syrian opposition activists living outside the country. According to Razan Zeitouna, a Syrian human rights activist, in an interview with Al-Ahram Weekly, "we should not use the word 'pardon' for his action, because the political prisoners are an honour to Syria, and they do not need anyone to 'pardon' them. Their release from prison is only just." "Moreover, the decree does not cover those accused of felonies, which is the case for most political prisoners, and neither does it cover the crimes for which thousands of political prisoners have been sentenced." Syria's young people, Zeitouna said, "no longer only want the release of the detainees. They want the liberation of Syria from the prison of tyranny." The Muslim Brotherhood, banned in Syria, said it was sceptical about the pardons, though it also said that many Syrians would benefit from them. Spokesman Zoheir Salem warned that the aim of the decree could be "to cover-up the crimes committed by the authorities. Will the pardon include the killers of Hamza Al-Khatib or Hajar Al-Khatib, along with the killers of hundreds of others? Those who have killed children are the ones who need to be pardoned." "The situation in Syria cannot be resolved by the president pardoning his opponents," Salem said. After the amnesty announcement was made, Syrian opposition groups held a conference in Ankara in neighbouring Turkey attended by more than 300 opposition figures, including former members of parliament, journalists, writers, human rights activists and businessmen. Participants described the announcement as "insufficient" and "too late", insisting that the Syrian people's demands were for freedom and the ousting of the regime. The Syrian street and revolutionary youth also made their positions clear as soon as the decree was issued, stating that the blood of more than one thousand people could not be avenged by a partial pardon and incomplete reform. Such sentiments were graphically illustrated in demonstrations across Syria last Friday, dubbed the "Friday of the Children of Freedom" and taking place at 200 locations in the country. The day saw an unprecedented number of protests, despite the repressive security measures taken in cities such as Daraa and Hems and their surrounding areas and the intense security presence in other cities. More than 80 demonstrators were killed, with US state department spokesman Mark Toner stating that Al-Assad's measures had been "all words without action" and "the initiative to release 100 political detainees is not enough... Al-Assad must take tangible steps, not use rhetoric to resolve what is taking place in the country." The reaction was similar from Paris, with French Foreign Minister Alain Juppé saying that "the amnesty has come too late" and calling on the Syrian leadership to change course. Turkey, a strategic ally, welcomed the move but said that "comprehensive reform should follow." Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglo said that "the pardon is a positive step, but it will not resolve the unrest in Syria if it is not followed by a reform process that resounds" with the Syrian people. Protesters and members of the country's opposition demanded that the Syrian emergency law be suspended 11 weeks ago and new laws be issued covering political parties, the media and fighting corruption, as well as the release of political prisoners. These demands were refused by the Syrian authorities, but two weeks after the first protests had broken out and the number of those killed had reached 300, President Al-Assad repealed the emergency law, while at the same time giving the security forces powers to arrest suspects without due cause. More demonstrators have been killed since the Syrian leadership's decision to repeal the emergency law, and opposition figures have refused to accept the decision as being enough to still demands for reform. When the toll of those killed in the demonstrations reached 700, Al-Assad issued a directive to form a committee to study issuing new laws governing political parties, the media and fighting corruption. These committees, including figures loyal to the regime, have not been enough for the protesters, who do not trust them. When the number of deaths had climbed to 900, Al-Assad agreed to form a "dialogue committee" to engage in discussion with the opposition, but this was also rejected by the protesters since half the committee members were members of the ruling Syrian Baath Party. The other half are independents under the control of the authorities and people who have no mandate to engage in national dialogue, even in only a consultative role. Once the number of protesters killed had peaked at 1,100, Al-Assad decided to release some of the country's political prisoners, while at the same time keeping thousands behind bars. Meanwhile, there has been no guarantee that those released will not be detained again. Members of the opposition are demanding that the security forces be withdrawn from Syrian cities and that those responsible for the killing of civilians be prosecuted. The opposition is also calling for the cancellation of Article 8 of the Syrian constitution, which states that the Baath Party is "the leader of the state and society." The powers of the president should be reduced and his terms in office reduced to two, while new laws should be issued for parliamentary and presidential elections. These things should be achieved through a process of national dialogue, in which various Syrian groups should be present on an equal footing with the regime. More hardline opposition figures are making one non- negotiable demand, which is the immediate ousting of the regime and the building of a democratic state. Observers and opposition figures alike say that the Syrian leadership has deliberately delayed responding to the demands of the people and that it has only ever met part of their demands. However, each delay on the part of the government only escalates the demands of the demonstrators, such observers say. As a result, the time may come soon when the ousting of the regime becomes the demand of all the demonstrators, moderates and hardliners alike.
