The tribes of southern Iraq continue to hold the reigns of power despite efforts by the occupation forces to establish their own version of law and order, writes Karim El-Gawhary in Basra When people in the southern Iraqi city of Basra mention the name Gramsci the reference is not to Antonio Gramsci, the prominent Italian Marxist thinker of the last century, but to the Gramsci Bedouin tribe, one of the largest clans in this southern Iraqi city. The Gramsci tribe is currently less concerned with fighting for social change than it is about fighting with the rival clan, the Basun, in a conflict which has had disastrous consequences for the two million citizens on the banks of the Shatt Al-Arab. Several days ago a member of the Basun tribe knocked down a water buffalo belonging to the Gramsci tribe. In the ensuing high-volume dispute between the two tribes over compensation a Gramsci woman lost her temper and fired a shot into the air. The Basun -- or "Cats" in English -- retreated, only to appear shortly after with their claws extended and armed with mortars. The situation deteriorated rapidly into a four-hour gun battle in which there was just a single victim: one of the city's most important power transformers which happened to be in the way of the fighting. Thieves immediately seized the opportunity to rip out the valuable copper wire, later to be melted down and smuggled into neighbouring Iran, and the entire city has been without power ever since. In an ironic twist to the story the corpus delicti, the Gramsci water buffalo itself, survived with only minor injuries. The British occupation army, which officially has the last word in southern Iraq, stayed well out of the inter-tribal fray. "To control that fight, the military would have needed weapons of mass destruction," goes the joke in Basra. The citizens of Basra remember well the last major tribal conflict which took place 15 years ago between the Basun and the Azariq tribes in which 6,000 people were involved. Not even Saddam Hussein's elite troops dared get involved in that particular feud. "The tribes are filling the vacuum left behind after the fall of Saddam Hussein, and instead of state law we once again have to deal with tribal law," complained Abbas Hadi Jabar, leader of the Democratic Constitutional Party in Basra, sweating in his office, like others in the city, without either fan or air conditioning unit, "and each tribe has managed to re-establish its territory in Basra". Although British troops have transferred some policing powers to a force of several thousand British-trained Iraqi police, the new law-enforcers more often than not feel impotent in face of the powerful tribes. If a suspect is arrested, the police usually receive a visit shortly after by a member of the detainee's tribe who will bargain for his release. In some cases, depending on the status and size of the tribe, the police will have no other choice but to give in to their demands. And even worse, if one of the newly instated police officers shoots a criminal in the course of his duties, he will live in constant fear of his own life being taken in revenge. "The British occupiers are treating us the same way they treated us during colonial times in 1917; their power base is linked directly to the tribes, and this in a country which now has more than 100 political parties," commented Jabar angrily. He believes the British force is reluctant to cooperate with the political parties, fearing that the largest and best-organised Shi'ite parties in Shi'a- dominated southern Iraq could gain the upper hand. The British prefer instead to revert to their age-old colonial recipe. "We have to strike a balance between our security and the Arab culture," commented Major Ian Pole, press officer for his Basra regiment, in finest imperial tones. As nimble as any Shatt Al-Arab fish, he manages to neatly evade further inquiries, commenting simply that, "we are addressing the situation with dialogue and openness," and that the British army is cultivating a "good informal relationship" with the tribes. "Tribal leaders are influential people whose advice we seek when we deem it useful," continued the 31-year-old major. Sheikh Mussna Qanaan is the chief of the Tamimi tribe. There is a saying in Basra: "If you're in trouble with the Tamimi, you're in trouble with all of Basra." For the British, therefore, Qanaan seemed the perfect candidate for a post within a new municipal authority. Six weeks ago, however, Qanaan was dismissed. The reason? Membership of the Ba'ath Party, "to protect my tribe", he explained. Chief American Civil Administrator Paul Bremer, ensconced in far- off Baghdad, has declared it illegal for former Ba'ath Party members to assume positions in the new municipal authority. The British forces abide by this ruling for the most part even though, Qanaan explains with a smile, he himself is still consulted by the British occupiers on a regular basis -- some things in Basra are simply too important to leave in the hands of Mr Bremer. "The British occupiers are more flexible than the Americans, and they listen to us when we give them advice; after all, they've had a lot of experience with colonialism," elaborated Sheikh Qanaan. The sheikh is also realistic about the role of his tribe. "The British colonial era of the 1920s is different to the current situation." Of course, he admits, the tribes were quite influential back then too, but they are unable to fill the current political vacuum. "We want a government with well-trained technocrats set up as soon as possible, and there are a lot of technocrats in Iraq," he says. His demands are echoed by many in Basra, be they tribal chiefs, political leaders or technocrats. The honeymoon period between the British military administration and the most powerful tribal leaders may soon come to an end. Impatience is in evidence in the quarters of Sheikh Musen Al- Humeidi, a leader of the Basun tribe. This feeling is -- for once -- shared with the rival Gramsci tribe, who have also sent a small delegation to Humeidi's quarters to discuss the frustrating situation with the rival clan and the foreign journalist over a glass of tea. "Despite their great military prowess, the British force is behaving just like another tribe," said Sheikh Al- Humeidi, disappointed. Instead of developing a different political system, they are simply acting as mediators between the tribes. A British major has visited the sheikh on several occasions. Nobody remembers his name, so he is simply referred to as "Mr Major". The tribal leaders lost no opportunity in making known their demands: the formation of an Iraqi government and the establishment of stability and security in the city. If the British forces are unable to achieve this, then the tribes must be allowed to carry weapons to provide law and order themselves. "Yes, yes, yes" agreed "Mr Major", and left with his translator. He has not been seen since. So once again, the tribes take matters into their own hands. A member of the Basun clan was recently found dead, seemingly shot by somebody stealing his car. The British soldiers interviewed witnesses and took detailed notes, but there have been no developments since then, explained Sheikh Humeidi. "We're looking for the car and when we find it, the new owner is as good as dead." Sheikh Hadi Faradash of the Gramsci tribe also airs his grievances. "We helped the British as soon as they arrived because they got rid of Saddam Hussein for us. But the time has come to form an Iraqi government and for them to go home. And may God go with them." If the tribes decided to rise against the occupiers, the troops would be out of the country within 24 hours, "without even the chance to collect their dead". The sheikh emphasises poetically that, "we met them with roses, but when we can no longer bear our frustration, the roses in their hands will become daggers in their breasts." The entire company murmurs its assent.
