The Spanish president's official visit to Morocco ushers a new era of collaboration between the two Mediterranean states. Serene Assir reports In line with Spanish diplomatic tradition, newly inaugurated President José Luis Rodr�guez Zapatero made his first official trip abroad as head of state to Morocco this week. The visit was brief, over in less than six hours, but the meetings friendly and positive, signalling how warmly the Moroccan regime welcomes Spain's recent change of government. Spanish and Moroccan official reactions alike were highly optimistic, as were those issued by the press on both sides. A joint statement, delivered by the Spanish president and Morocco's King Mohamed VI following their four-hour meeting, said that the visit had served to "inaugurate a new era of profound mutual understanding and bilateral cooperation". All in all, the mood expressed was a far cry from the tension that had dominated Spanish-Moroccan relations while Zapatero's predecessor, José Maria Aznar of the Popular Party (PP), was in power. Moroccan daily Aujourd-hui Le Maroc, which had some months ago described Aznar as "the man who hates Morocco" in a front-page headline, ran a headline following the visit that read: "Zapatero: the Spain we love". The paper also ran an opinion piece that referred to how Zapatero's stance on the Leila-Perejil crisis had differed from that taken by the PP, and had been far more favourable towards the Moroccan position. During the crisis of the summer of 2002, Morocco had attempted to reclaim the uninhabited island located 200 metres off the North African coast but which technically belongs to Spain. Tensions were so high that the situation almost led to military conflict. In the end, Morocco backed down, following mediation by US Secretary of State Colin Powell. The meetings were held in the king's private residence in Casablanca, rather than in a palace. Mohamed VI spoke throughout in perfect Spanish, and took Zapatero for a walk in the streets. He usually reserves such informality for official visits by French President Jacques Chirac. The contrast with the treatment given to the previous Spanish government, whose delegates often had to wait long hours before they were granted an audience, was conspicuous. With just a few kilometres of water separating them, Spain and Morocco's relations have generally been tense over the past few years. The main points of contention have been centred on issues of illegal immigration, drug trafficking and territorial and water disputes. However, the 11 March 2004 bombings in Madrid, which are largely perceived to have played a key role in securing Zapatero's landslide victory in the 14 March general elections, created a new dimension to relations between the two states, for most of the detainees suspected to have carried out the attack are from Morocco. Some of them are believed to have taken part in the bombings of Casablanca on 16 May 2003, which killed 33 people. While in Casablanca's city centre, Zapatero and Mohamed VI unveiled a plaque in honour of the memory of the victims of the killings in Morocco. The act was symbolic of the way in which the two states are keen to collaborate in their clamping down on terrorism. That both states had, in Zapatero's words, been "victims of horrendous attacks" has prompted the need for new diplomatic cooperation. Shortly after the blame for the Madrid bombings, in which 201 commuters were killed, was shifted from the Basque separatist group ETA to an Islamist group allegedly affiliated to Al-Qa'eda, the Moroccan government press denounced Aznar's regime for ignoring repeated warnings by the Moroccan security services about certain immigrants residing in Spain. They included Jamal Zougam, who was one of the first to be arrested and is believed to be one of the leaders of the Islamist cell in Spain. In light of this revelation, Zapatero's government is aware that it would do well to collaborate in Moroccan investigations. At present, 14 Moroccans are being held in Spanish prisons in or near the capital, and any new anti-terrorism legislation will have a direct impact on the estimated 30,000 illegal immigrants residing in the country, given the likelihood of increased random searches and that anyone in Spain without proof of identity is liable for arrest. The Moroccan government has for some years been clamping down on Islamist opposition forces within its own borders, in particular as it poses the single greatest threat to its grip over absolute power in the country. It is worth noting that King Mohamed VI rules Morocco with self-appointed divine right. In the North African country, the opposition Islamists' appeal is strongest in the impoverished, densely populated quarters of major cities, which is also where infiltration by the security forces has been most profound. The new Spanish government has been clear from the start that it intends to fully cooperate with its neighbour over this issue. "Morocco and Spain are showing ... that there are not two opposing civilisations, the Arab civilisation and the Western civilisation, but there is a single civilisation which confronts the barbarism of terrorism firmly," said Spanish Deputy Prime Minister Maria Teresa Fernàndez de la Vega on Friday. Other contentious issues were also discussed. The leaders said the issue of immigration -- top on Zapatero's presidential agenda -- would be dealt with, though they have not specified how. Over the question of Western Sahara, for which the Algerian-supported Polisario Front seeks secession from Morocco, Zapatero has urged that Mohammed VI's regime follow United Nations recommendations, but he did not indicate that Spain would directly enforce them in any way. The UN's so-called Baker plan suggests holding a referendum in the disputed territory, but the Moroccan government does not see why such a referendum would be legitimate. In 2001, Zapatero had visited Morocco in his capacity as secretary-general of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE, in the Spanish acronym), and had expressed strong support for this measure. This time, however, he avoided making any controversial statements about the subject. Ceuta and Melilla -- two provinces on the northern coast of Morocco that are Spanish-ruled -- were not mentioned until a journalist brought up the issue at a press conference following the meeting. Fifty three per cent of those who responded to an unofficial survey conducted this week by the Spanish daily La Vanguardia do not believe there is any legitimacy to Moroccan claims to sovereignty over the two provinces.
