Serene Assir reviews the Spanish media's coverage of the 30th anniversary of the death of General Franco Thirty years on from the death of General Francisco Franco, a dictator who ruled with an iron fist through much of the time he was in power from 1939 to 1975, it seems that no Spanish political and journalistic debate is ever complete without a reference to the pre-democracy era. In other words, what continues to exist in much of Spain is a sense of the "before and after" -- with Franco's era as the prime example and reference point of all things political that must be avoided and never again revived. But that's not the whole story of course. "Franco died, but Francoism remained, and not just set in stone or bronze. Francoism remained, and it both influenced the transition and continues to find expression in the (Spanish) right," wrote Josep Bargalló in the broadsheet El Pais. Reporting for the same daily, Patricia Ortega Dolz attended Sunday's mass in honour of Franco in the church where he is buried, in the mountains of El Escorial in the outskirts of the capital, Madrid. Also buried in the same church is Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, founder of the Spanish Phalange movement, which Franco later came to head. More than 8,000 people attended this mass, scores of whom were not allowed to enter the church by the Civil Guard due to space constraints. It is perhaps particularly interesting that, prior to massive internal reforms and restructuring, the very same security body was once constituted among the strongest of Franco and the right's power bases. It was members of this particular body that carried out most politically-motivated arrests and practised infamous techniques of subordination unto the Spanish population. Faced with new realities, one man who was not allowed to enter the church shouted, to a chorus of other cries, "this is shameful! Is this what you call democracy? We were better off before. And here you are, following the orders of that bastard (President Jose Luis Rodr�guez) Zapatero!" On the other hand, both El Pais and El Mundo noted that despite the historical significance of the date and the media's heavy focus on the debate, there were relatively few acts of street protests worthy of note, except for the vandalism exercised by four young men from Galicia on Franco's natal home. The four were charged but freed within hours of their arrest for ripping a plaque valued at ê15,000 off the site. Little light was given to a Sunday protest organised to commemorate the victims of the Franco regime. The 2,000-strong demonstration, held in Madrid, was called by the capital's Anti-Fascist Platform, and urged for the trial of those associated with the crimes committed by the fascist government. Meanwhile, the rightist daily ABC focussed its efforts on covering the 30th anniversary of the reinstatement of the monarchy in Spain under King Juan Carlos I -- which took place under direct instruction from Franco prior to his death, along with the promise to develop a democracy. Also featured is an opinion piece by Miquel Porta Perales denouncing those who commemorate an "anti-Franco movement that never existed... and a resistance which, with very rare exceptions to the rule, never existed." As for the more independent media, the Rebelión website, which publishes news and editorials covering all areas of interest to activists, included an article by Susana Viau which refers to Franco as "a man of ice", to his death as "the end of history" and to his era as "fierce". The wounds, it seems, have not healed, for unlike Germany, Spain never underwent massive purgation of all things fascist and all things Francoist. The debate is as fresh as ever, and the uncertainties along with it. For, although the transition is almost universally praised for its efficiency in establishing democracy and a modern state, little has been done to really look into the darker sides of the soul of Spain, and to resolve crises that, even today, continue to bubble under the surface.
