The political scene remains unclear as Iraqis grow increasingly weary of violence. Nermine El-Mufti reports from Baghdad Bombings and assassinations still punctuate the daily scene in Iraq. Amidst ongoing violence it seems that ordinary Iraqis have lost interest in politics, both external and internal, turning their focus mainly to matters involving security and the economy. Senior officials, university professors and former Baath Party officials are all potential targets. Observers believe that the bloodshed is unlikely to end after the handover of power at the end of this month. Baghdad's municipal council has suggested that a state of emergency be declared for six months as of 30 June. Few Iraqis expect things to get better soon, despite the assurances Prime Minister Iyad Allawi and his defence and interior ministers gave at a joint news conference on Monday. Adnan Pachachi has left Iraq, disclosing little of his future plans, but making sure to explain what happened the day the interim president was "appointed". Other prominent politicians hope to become members of the interim national council, expected to convene in July. This week, the civilian population seemed to be caught in crossfire between Iraqi resistance groups and occupation forces. Many Iraqis believe the resistance should take into account the popular mood as more Iraqis seem willing to give the new government a chance, despite scepticism over its independence from American occupiers. The most significant support for the new government has come from Iraq's leading Shia cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani -- even if it has only been half-hearted. The new administration "does not represent in an acceptable manner all segments of Iraqi society and political forces," he said. "Nevertheless, it is hoped this new government will prove its integrity and efficiency." For their part, the Kurds have signalled their political concern in a message signed by Kurdish leaders Masoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani and sent to United States President George W Bush. Earlier, Shia leader Al-Sistani sent a message to the United Nations Security Council, saying that any new resolution on Iraq should not incorporate the law for administration of the state -- the so-called transitional law agreed upon amid controversy in March -- or the Shias would have to resist it. When the Security Council resolution made no reference to that law, the Kurds threatened to leave Baghdad and withdraw their ministers. Transitional law, now practically defunct, granted Kurds a veto on future administrative measures and emphasised federalism. After UNSC Resolution 1546 was passed, Kurdish leaders left Baghdad to hold an extraordinary session of the Kurdish parliament to consider their reaction. The Kurdish message to Bush, published in Arab and Kurdish media, notes that the peshmerga have cooperated with the US forces in the "liberation of Iraq", that "the Americans have no more loyal friends than the Kurds of Iraq", and that "our destiny is strongly linked with you". While Kurdish media described the message as "strongly worded", others saw it as desperate and weak. Speaking on condition of anonymity, one Kurdish academic said: "Shia leaders threatened to pull out of the Governing Council unless [US Civil Administrator L Paul] Bremer apologises to Chalabi. This was after the search of the latter's office and home. Bremer did not apologise and the Shias did not resign. The Kurdish threat is similar. The Kurds cannot do anything without US blessing. The Americans are the destiny of the Kurds, as the message of Barzani and Talabani notes." According to one political analyst, the Kurds have two options. One is to declare war in their areas and confront US forces, in which case they would be crushed. The other is to secede and declare a Kurdish state, which would make them a target of Turkish and Iranian fire. The Kurds are furious that although they played a major role in "liberating" Iraq, the role they are being offered now is not much better than what they had before. Under the former regime, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein had a Kurdish deputy with limited powers and there were Kurdish ministers in the cabinet. "We want more," a Kurdish politician said. "We have a right for an independent state and yet we have chosen to stay with Iraq and in Iraq. We feel that we have many rights and unless we get them now, we may lose them forever." Iraqi officials were quick to re-assure the Kurds, renewing their commitment to federalism and referring to the peshmerga as an army, not a militia. Nevertheless, on the ground, Kurdish political goals are not being received well. In Kirkuk, for example, the Kurdish message to Bush was copied and distributed as damning evidence of the "worst expectations" about the Kurds. Kurdish Parliamentary Speaker Rosh Nuri Shawis -- who has just been appointed a deputy to the new Iraqi President Sheikh Ghazi Al-Yawar -- chaired an extraordinary parliamentary session that quickly endorsed Resolution 1546, noting that it contained a positive reference to federalism. It seems that the Kurds have backed down, in a manner recalling what Kurdish thinker Hassan Aref once said: "The Kurds are tough in the mountains, but cannot last long in the valleys." Additional reporting by Ahmed Mukhtar
