Pakistan intensifies its "war on terror", reports Iffat Idris from Islamabad Pakistani armed forces have scored impressive victories over Al-Qaeda and its Pakistani sympathisers, but they have also taken heavy losses. The ever-present danger is that the war could spread from remote tribal areas to the country's main cities. The latest development has been the killing of Nek Mohammed, former Taliban commander and one of five wanted militant leaders from Wana in South Waziristan, part of Pakistan's autonomous north-western tribal belt. Mohammed had been on the run ever since a truce with authorities was called off on 10 June. He was killed when an artillery shell hit the house in which he was hiding. Pakistani forces apparently traced his whereabouts precisely after tracing the signal to his satellite phone. Reports vary, but between four and eight other militants were killed with him. The death of Nek Mohammed has been hailed as a great victory for the Pakistanis in their war against Al-Qaeda elements. That war -- most of which is being waged in the remote tribal belt bordering Afghanistan -- has been ongoing for months. Prior to the latest developments, Islamabad had long been pressing the tribesmen to hand over Al-Qaeda fugitives and local militants. Early this year, however, the government lost patience and launched a huge military offensive in the region. The experience proved bloody for both sides. Tribesmen in the autonomous areas are renowned for their independence and fierce resistance to all attempts by outsiders to assert their control. Dozens of Pakistani troops died in shoot-outs with militants and local tribesmen. The government then changed strategy and adopted a more political approach based on dialogue. Local jirgas -- tribal councils -- were used to mediate between the army and the most wanted militants. The dialogue process eventually led to a formal truce on 24 April. Five militants, led by Nek Mohammed, agreed to stop fighting. The problems resurfaced as a result of one of the terms of the agreement, namely the one stipulating that all foreigners living in the area would have to register with authorities. The 24 April agreement collapsed after Mohammed denied agreeing to hand over foreigners. On 10 June the government announced that the amnesty for Nek and his colleagues had been revoked on the grounds of non-compliance. It then issued new instructions to its forces to "capture or kill" the wanted men. Shortly afterwards, a new military offensive was launched in the region. The killing of Mohammed is a big success for the army but -- as was the case in the previous military operation -- it has come at a heavy cost. Army casualties are already reported to run to several dozen. At least as many militants and local civilians were also killed. The immediate cost incurred by the Pakistani army is a source of concern for authorities, but an even greater worry is what the long-term implications and consequences of the ongoing internal conflict may be. Anger in the tribal belt is running very high. Before this latest military offensive, authorities tried to apply pressure on local tribes by closing down all shops and businesses. Given that they were the main source of revenue -- as well as being essential for everyday provisions -- this measure caused great hardship and provoked many calls for revenge. These were in turn voiced even more loudly after the army re-launched military attacks. On 10 June gunmen struck the convoy of the Corps Commander of Karachi, Pakistan's main port city hundreds of miles south of the tribal belt. Lt Gen Ahsan Saleem Hayat was attacked as his convoy passed over Clifton Bridge on its way to the Corps headquarters. This part of the city is normally considered to be one of the most secure. Hayat survived apparently uninjured, but 11 others were killed: seven soldiers, three policemen and a passer-by. There have been many terrorist attacks in Pakistan before, especially in Karachi. But, excluding attempted assaults on President Pervez Musharraf, all previous attacks have almost invariably been either sectarian-religious in nature, or on Western or pro-Western targets. The attempt to kill the Corps Commander of Karachi thus marks a disturbing development in Pakistan. Many people have linked the Karachi convoy attack to events in far-off South Waziristan. It is seen as part of Al-Qaeda's revenge: fulfilling the promise made by local tribesmen to strike back in Lahore, Quetta, Peshawar and Karachi -- Pakistan's major cities. Now that the militant leader Nek Mohammed has been killed, there is plenty of reason to worry that more revenge attacks will soon follow. As a result, security in the capital and all major cities has been greatly stepped up. When it comes to terrorism, though, authorities know the odds are against them: no one can predict when or where terrorists will strike. Public opinion in Pakistan is divided over the government's policies. Supporters of Musharraf's regime point to the incongruity of having one part of the country -- the North-Western Frontier Province (NWFP) tribal belt -- outside the rule of law. They argue that the tribes have been pampered for too long and that the NWFP should be brought in line with the rest of the country. Many critics agree with that sentiment, but question the motives and approach of the government. The original military offensive was seen as being undertaken to appease the United States. Many interpreted this latest operation as a face-saving strategy, feeling that the army carried it out in order to show that it is not succumbing to tribal demands. Whatever the motive, many critics argue that the government should have gone for a diplomatic approach. Citing the history of the tribal belt over the past several hundred years, during which no outside force has been able to bring the region under its direct control, they say those lessons of history should have been heeded. Military offensives simply do not work. Now, it is too late for the Musharraf government to backtrack and change course. It will have to see its military offensive on the tribal belt through to the end. The question is: how many soldiers in the tribal belt -- and how many people in the rest of Pakistan -- will be killed in the process?
