Pakistani authorities got a pat on the back for catching big fish this week, reports Iffat Idris from Islamabad A number of arrests in Pakistan, and subsequent security alerts in Washington, New York and London, have once again highlighted the importance of Pakistan in the "war on terror". For Pakistan, that prominent role brings both benefits and problems. Following the arrests of a group of alleged Al-Qaeda terrorists problems started to surface on Sunday when bombs exploded outside an Islamic school in Karachi, killing nine people. It all started with the arrest at Lahore Airport of Muhammed Khan, a 25-year-old computer expert who was arrested on 13 July. When police and American intelligence officials examined the computers and documents at his home, they found an astonishing amount of information. There were meticulously prepared surveillance reports of five key buildings in the United States. There were also photographs and other information about a number of other buildings in the US and Britain, including Heathrow Airport, and evidence that Khan was in touch with Islamist militants across the world. It soon became clear that Khan was a very important catch: someone who, though not a leader, certainly played a major role in communications and planning for Al-Qaeda. The information gleaned after Khan's arrest led to the current security alert in New York and Washington. US Homeland Security Advisor Tom Ridge went on national television to warn Americans that a number of sites faced an "imminent threat". Security was especially tight around the five buildings that Khan's computer showed had been the subject of close Al-Qaeda scrutiny. Subsequent revelations that the research detailed on Khan's computer was carried out between 2000 and 2001, gave some credence to Democrat accusations that the Bush administration was stoking up the terror threat to deflect attention from challenger John Kerry. It was an accusation strongly denied by the administration, which pointed out that Al-Qaeda's major operations all took years to plan. Khan's computer also led to the arrests of 13 men in Britain. Aged between 19 and 32 and believed to be of Pakistani and Arab descent, they were taken into custody last Tuesday. Under Britain's new anti-terror laws, the men can be held for 14 days without charge. No further details about their background have been released. In Pakistan, the arrest of Khan led 12 days later to the arrest of Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani in Karachi. Ghailani is of African origin. US intelligence officials believe he was behind the 1998 American embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. There was a price of $25 million on his head. His capture is therefore a significant victory in the pursuit of Al-Qaeda. Soon after Interior Minister Faisal Saleh Hayat announced the arrest of two further top Al-Qaeda men, though he refused to give any details. There is much appreciation in Washington and London for Pakistan's efforts and "successes" in the war on terror. The Musharraf government has reaped major rewards for its support: aid worth millions of dollars, lifting of sanctions, re-entry into the Commonwealth -- from which Pakistan was suspended after the 1999 military coup -- and a blind eye to the military's continued interference in the democratic process. Cynics, however, point out that Islamabad has a pattern of catching Al-Qaeda suspects only when it comes under pressure from Washington -- terrorists are handed over to "appease" the US. In this latest case, the capture of Khan and Ghailani brought Pakistan back into international favour after it was under a dark cloud following US criticism of its expanding nuclear programme.The clear implication is that if Pakistan wanted it could do much more in the war on terror. Defenders of the Pakistan government counter that it is trying sincerely to the best of its ability to capture Al-Qaeda fugitives and curb Islamic militancy in the country. They point to the many obstacles faced by authorities in this struggle. On the one hand, they are reversing a policy of supporting Islamic groups. And on the other hand, there are powerful Islamist parties who oppose any state interference in the curriculum or in religious schools -- both are seen as fuelling extremist thinking. And third, there is the all too real resistance from militant forces. Over the past year there have been numerous reprisal terrorist attacks against targets in Pakistan. Last December President Musharraf survived two attempts on his life in as many weeks -- the second very narrowly. A fortnight ago the Prime Minister designate Shaukat Aziz survived an assassination attempt while he was out campaigning: eight people were killed in the suicide bombing. Analysts cite such attacks as proof that the Musharraf government itself is as committed to the war on terror and curbing Islamic militancy as the American and British governments. As a prime target of Al-Qaeda, its own survival is under threat. The payback for Pakistan extends far beyond assassination attempts on its leaders. In Waziristan, the tribal belt region bordering Afghanistan, tens of thousands of Pakistani troops have been deployed in an ongoing mission to flush out Al-Qaeda, Taliban and other fighters. The latter receive patronage and support from the local people. This has led to clashes between Pakistani forces and irate locals. Efforts to defuse the situation and reach a political solution have repeatedly failed. Many observers are seriously concerned that in its efforts to support the war on terror Pakistan could provoke a civil war. The latest site of domestic clashes is the province of Balochistan. Long-standing grievances over provincial autonomy, gas and oil royalties and outside exploitation have become caught up with more recent grievances over Pakistani support for the US. Military action against tribesmen in the north, changes in the religion component of school curricula and efforts to regulate religious madrassas are rapidly turning the province into a hotbed of unrest. There have been numerous acts of violence, including most recently an attempt to kill the chief minister. Faisal Saleh Hayat warned the Balochistan tribes: "We will call them for dialogue for the last time and then the crash programme would be launched." He denied that this "crash programme" referred to a military offensive, but he did say the Frontier Corps, Rangers and other forces would be deployed to maintain peace. So far, such threats appear to have only fuelled nationalist sentiment in the fiercely independent province. Little wonder, then, that many Pakistanis worry about the long-term price their country will pay for the short-term benefits of supporting the US- led war on terror.
