In Baghdad, Ahmed Mukhtar looks at the preparations leading up to Iraq's national conference In the days leading up to the three-day Iraqi national conference -- scheduled to begin on Saturday -- fears were growing that the long-awaited event which would take the country one step further along the road to elections, could be delayed. The conference, which is set to bring together 1,000 Iraqi figures, is due to select a council of 100 members, whose main goal will be to monitor the interim government. It will also enjoy broad powers to overrule the government. On Tuesday, The Iraqi Islamic Party announced that it was boycotting the conference. It was not alone in doing so. Muqtada Al-Sadr, the young Shia leader has also boycotted it. It was stipulated in the 15 November accords between the now defunct Interim Governing Council (IGC) and the US-led occupation authorities that such a national conference would take place. The selection of a legislative body with the power to monitor the activities and performance of the government was also mentioned in the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL), as well as in the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1548. Given the potential influence that council members could have, Iraqi political and social groupings were working until the last minute to secure a foothold in the assembly. As a result, the picture that was emerging in the week before the conference took place was one of protest, objections, tension and competition. Protests against representation quotas of certain political groupings have also been registered. At the time of going to press, it remained uncertain what forces would attended the conference on Thursday. The head of the conference's preparatory committee Fuad Massoum told reporters on Monday that invitations had been sent out to political parties and movements, and to notable figures including clerics, tribal chiefs and activists in civil society organisations. The quota of representation of each Iraqi governorate in the council will be determined by its population size. It is estimated that 548 out of the 1,000 seats will be allocated to Iraq's 18 provinces. In addition, 140 members will be selected from various political parties, 70 from amongst tribal leaders, 170 will be intellectuals and prominent Iraqi figures and 100 will be chosen from the preparatory committee. Members of the dissolved IGC will also join the assembly. As yet, there is no consensus on how the 100 members will be selected from the 1,000 candidates. Many observers believe the conference could give a boost to the interim government. But if it is boycotted by key figures, it would constitute a failure which could rock Iraq's entire political structure as established following the so-called transfer of power from the US-led occupation authorities. As for the complications that led up to the conference, the heated debate in Najaf provides an accurate insight into how the process of candidate selection was unfolding. The task of selecting candidates from different Iraqi provinces -- which began last week -- was assigned to a seven-member committee. In Najaf, many objected to the proposed list of 20 candidates who would represent the governorate in the national conference. Some secular forces protested the fact that most of the candidates came from Islamic parties and movements, arguing that this would deprive other independent movements from representing the governorate. In response, Hassan Abtan, a member of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and one of the candidates for Najaf, told the Weekly : "The list represented the nominees of the Islamic bloc who reflected the line of Marjiya [the Shia religious authority] and the Najafi street." In every democratic electoral process, he went on, there are bound to be blocs with conflicting interests. "In Najaf, there happens to be a large and influential Islamic bloc and it was normal that most candidates came from it." But some still blamed the seven-member committee -- assigned to oversee the selection process -- for choosing the candidates on an unfair basis. The committee members responded by saying that in fact that the invitations had not been extended to all parties, and that this had been a result of the lack of coordination with the higher committee in Baghdad and of the lack of security on the ground. Ahmed Al- Fatlawi, a member of the selection committee, went as far as rejecting the accusations altogether, and said that the process was fair and transparent despite technical difficulties. "These accusations are made by those who want to [disrupt] the electoral process." But some -- including Mohamed Abdul-Zahra, representative of the Iraqi Communist party -- beg to differ, and argue by saying that the elections have been rigged. "The mechanism allocated a quota for political parties, local municipalities, and the rest was allocated for independent candidates in the governorates. But what was witnessed was an attempt to take over the independents' quota." The conference has also been perceived and criticised as an attempt to co-opt Iraq's ethnic and religious groups into the political process, without granting them the full representation that true integration would require. Deputy Chairman of the Iraqi Turkoman National Party Jamal Shan said: "The eight per cent allocated to the Turkomans at the preparatory committee is regarded as a positive development, but the Turkomans' representation should be set on the basis that they represent 13 per cent of the overall population." Some who have chosen to boycott the conference, like Shiekh Jawad Al-Khalisi, said: "We see no benefit in creating institutions designed to implement American plans. If the conference were to set a timetable for a US troop pullout, it would be worth it -- but in the context of the occupation, the conference is powerless and we don't want to disappoint our supporters. We will, however, take part in the elections in January." But while many have serious doubts about the conference's legitimacy, Khalid Al-Numani, a member of the Najaf local council, said that while it did not live up to the expectations of the Iraqi people, it did however constitute an important step on the road to full democratic participation. "We hope that this will be a prelude to the actual participation of Iraqis in electing a parliament which would enact laws that serve Iraq and its people," he said.
