Shortly after being assaulted by Israeli troops, Palestinian presidential candidate Mustafa Barghouti speaks to Sherine Bahaa about the prospects for democracy in his homeland Mustafa Barghouti, 50, was born in the small village of Hamula in the Ramallah district. A physician and human rights activist, he hopes to garner around 40 per cent of the Palestinian vote, in which he is one of eight contenders. His support is strongest among young Palestinians and leftist intellectuals. Currently the secretary of the Palestinian National Initiative, which he co-founded with Haidar Abdul-Shafi, Ibrahim Dakak and the late Edward Said, Barghouti is a charismatic figure, known for his outspoken anti-corruption stance. A couple of days after clashing with Israeli troops, whom he said had beaten him at gunpoint, Barghouti openly expressed his deep pessimism about the electoral process in a telephone interview with Al-Ahram Weekly. In his view, the Israeli forces are doing everything they can to hamper preparations for the contest which is due to be held on 9 January. Describing the Israeli practices as "discriminatory", Barghouti accused them of "deliberate sabotage against the elections". It is no wonder then that so many earlier attempts to organise elections never got anywhere. The heavy-handed Israeli occupation forces tactics always gave the Palestinian Authority the perfect pretext to call off the polls, leaving the same officials in their posts for decades at a time, even after their legal mandates had expired. Hopefully, however, this time will be different. I began by asking Barghouti how the beating incident took place. "We were holding a meeting in Araba in Jenin area," he said. "At 9pm, on our way back to Ramallah, we were stopped by an Israeli patrol at a checkpoint. We were asked to get out of the car, which we did. We explained to the soldiers who we were and that I am standing in the elections. As soon as they found out who I was, they started cursing us using very bad words. It was very shocking: I could not believe the vulgarity of the words they used." But soon things got even worse. "They started beating the five people who were with me, forcing them to kneel on the ground. They were beating one of my colleagues, Allam Jabar, who is 61 years old and suffers from heart problems. I went to help him out because he had fallen to the ground, and suddenly they attacked me. I did not see it coming; I was taken by surprise. They struck my neck, my stomach, pushed at my chest and pulled on my legs. I fell to the ground, then they started hitting us with their rifles. They forced us to sit on the ground for an hour and 15 minutes without moving, without saying a single word, in the cold." Despite the humiliation inherent in any such incident, Barghouti believes his beating may also have served a purpose, if it has managed to attract international attention to the fact that there are 703 checkpoints scattered all around his country, making movement more or less impossible for the population. The fact that this has happened to him can help others imagine what may happen to ordinary people everyday. As for the electoral process, of course it is easier to talk about fair procedures than to actually implement them, especially in a region where it is common for successful candidates to poll in excess of 99 per cent of the vote. But this is not just a problem of Arab corruption: As Barghouti points out, it also suits some Western countries for leaders to be "appointed", rather than elected. He cites British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who recently declared that his country would host a conference for peace, but only if Abu Mazen is elected. "This is a straightforward attempt to dictate the result," says Barghouti, scandalised, "and violates the whole principle of democratic procedures". Barghouti's hatred of interference and meddling in his country's internal affairs is obvious. "Some people want to decide for us who should be elected even before the elections takes place. But we take these elections very seriously. We are not like some other countries; we want to have a true democratic process." Barghouti is adamant that he will not withdraw before polling day, whatever the pressures on him. "I am determined to run till the end. But believe me, the conditions in which we function are very difficult. There are not only Israeli restrictions, but also severe discrimination in terms of media coverage. Only one candidate can move about freely, while the rest of us are not allowed to." In this condition, one can hardly speak of fair elections at all. Yet Barghouti is determined not to give up. "There is a lot of pressure on us to force us to leave the race, but we will not let it happen." Although they are only distant cousins, Mustafa Barghouti's electoral programme is very close to that of the other Barghouti, Marwan, the West Bank Fatah leader currently in prison in Israel. Mustafa Barghouti sees the elections as having a significance far beyond the question of deciding who will be the next president of the Palestinian Authority. "This is how we can set the agenda for the national struggle, and give free expression to the majority of our people." His electoral programme covers all aspects of the Palestinian cause, including the national constants, institutional reform, economic development and improving social conditions. On the political front, Barghouti stresses the importance of the Palestinian national constants as formulated by the PLO. These include ending the occupation, and implementing the International Court of Justice's decision to remove both the racist wall and Israeli settlements. National unity is also high on his agenda. To achieve this, Barghouti explains that it will be necessary to restructure the national fabric of the Palestinian people, both in the territories and in the Diaspora, so as to mend the divide stemming from the Oslo agreement. This will also make it possible to engage Palestinians everywhere in actively supporting the cause of their people. Barghouti inevitably insists upon the Arab nature of Jerusalem and its status as the eternal capital of Palestine, and on securing the right of return for thousands of refugees, as laid down in many international resolutions, and above all those of the UN. Beyond this necessary core, though, the lion's share of Barghouti's agenda is given over to the fight against corruption. He stresses the need to create strong democratic institutions, supported by the regular organisation of elections at various levels, both municipal and legislative. He also wants to see measures taken to ensure the independence of the judiciary. These structural moves will provide the basis for the elimination of all forms of corruption, whether financial or political, including the mismanagement and nepotism which are presently rife. This may seem like the kind of programme which should garner widespread support, both within the Palestinian territories and without. But many foreign administrations look upon Barghouti's decision to stand with barely- disguised displeasure. Some Arab officials even argue that Palestinians should have "one voice with no differences" as a sign of their unity. This is a logic which Barghouti will not accept. "We can have differences and still have unity," he told the Weekly. "That is why democracies are so strong. Without difference, life would be so boring. This lack of difference can help explain why the Soviet Union collapsed while the democratic societies are still going. In my opinion, democracy strengthens a nation, rather than weakening it." There is great enthusiasm for the elections throughout the occupied territories. Posters of candidates are everywhere, and campaigning tents can be found in every town and village. Yet foreign officials often seem more interested in finding a "suitable" candidate to fill the vacuum left by the passing of Yasser Arafat than in allowing Palestinians to exercise the right to choose their leader. For Barghouti, this is not democracy, but unjustified intervention in Palestinian internal affairs. "This is totally unacceptable. Palestinians must be free to choose. We need a real democratic process. If these elections are not conducted in a fair and democratic manner, then the legitimacy of the person elected will be totally undermined." According to Barghouti, legitimacy in Palestine has to be based on two factors: fair representation of the Palestinian national cause, and exceptionally free and democratic elections. "If either of these is missing, as may well be the case, then the legitimacy of our leadership will be totally destroyed." As for the US's claim to be acting as a supporter of democracy in Palestine, Barghouti's words are very diplomatic, yet his meaning is clear. "I have not seen them support our democracy yet," he told the Weekly. "When I see them criticise Israel and condemn their acts against me, when I see them condemn the beating of candidates in the Palestinian presidential elections and insist on our right to free movement, then I will believe it. Meanwhile, they are trying to force a particular candidate on us. It's very strange, because all the people who are running as candidates in these coming elections are pro-peace: so why would they prefer one person to another? If they are just looking for someone who will give in to them, then that person will fail to represent the Palestinian people. I am planning to represent our people, not anybody else's interests."
