The Commission for Africa recently released a report that purports to present "a coherent package" for the continent. Gamal Nkrumah leafed through the promising document At last there is a report that doesn't insist that Africa needs to make a clean break if it wants to create a level of socio- economic development that Africans can aspire to. Such a plan has much to recommend it. Indeed, the report commends African efforts towards political reform and democratisation. The Commission for Africa, responsible for compiling the report, is an initiative launched by British Prime Minister Tony Blair in February 2004. Some of the worst aspects of previous Africa-focussed reports were omitted from the Commission for Africa's report. The report differs from previous initiatives in two important aspects. First, it highlights the crucial importance for African development of debt cancellation and debt relief. Secondly, it identifies poor infrastructure as the main constraint to economic development in Africa. The report endeavours to develop a global interest in African sustainable development. The report notes that pumping $20 billion into Africa's health care systems would ensure free basic health care for all and thus eliminate preventable diseases. Democracy and continental integration also featured prominently in the report released this week. In much the same vein, the report also stresses the importance of accountability and transparency in both government and business. It specifically makes reference to certain blueprints for African economic survival strategies such as Improving the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative. The continent, it appears, now struts the international stage in the shadows of Blair's Africa's initiative. But can Blair's initiative turn Africa round? He says it should if Africa is to meet the Millennium Development Goals. Can Africans pin their hopes on the Commission for Africa's report? Eventually the questions peter out. The report acknowledged that "building capacity takes time and commitment." In an unprecedented concession for a document of its kind, "Africa faces two constraints on trade. It does not produce enough goods, of the right quality or price, to enable it to break into world market," the report argues. "And it faces indefensible trade barriers which, directly or indirectly, tax its goods as they enter the markets of developed countries." The commissioners who authored the report make their case pugnaciously and for long stretches compellingly. And, they do not indulge in a panoply of development dogma. "African poverty is the greatest tragedy of our time," they stress. "Poverty on such a scale demands a forceful response. And Africa -- at country, regional and continental levels -- is creating much stronger foundations for tackling its problems. Recent years have seen improvements in economic growth and in governance," the report acknowledges. Still, there is no escaping the tragic reality that Africa remains a parody of contemporary global economic dynamics. Be that as it may, it is also necessary to bear in mind Blair's irrepressible inclination to play politics. As host, he is hoping to steal the limelight at the Gleneagles summit of G8 [group of eight wealthiest and most industrially advanced countries] in July. However, Africa, at this critical historical junction, needs more than empty political slogans. Out there in the real world, the Commission for Africa's proposals are a smart idea. Africa's poverty is not only morally repugnant, it is also bad for the global economy. Wealthier and more developed countries make better business partners. So it is in the world's interest that African development accelerates. The West, and the rest of the world, has a vested interest in Africa's economic upliftment. "The developed world has a moral duty -- as well as a powerful motive of self-interest -- to assist Africa," the report concludes. "For its part, Africa must accelerate reform. And the developed world must increase and improve its aid, and stop doing these things which hinder Africa's progress," the report notes. "We believe that now is the time when greater external support can have a major impact and this is a vital moment for the world to get behind Africa's efforts," the commissioners insist. "Poverty is more than just a lack of material things. Poor people are excluded from decision-making and from the basic services the state ought to provide," the report explains. "Schools and clinics must be available to the poorest people in Africa," it makes clear. "This is an urgent matter of basic human rights and social justice." If rights are universal, then they should be applied universally. The proposal has a great deal in its favour, that much has to be said. However, the new Africa, currently enjoying a spate of democratisation and political pluralism, may not have undergone a similarly radical economic transformation since the fall of the autocrats and military dictators. Its economic transformation has not kept pace with its impressive political advances. The report paid tribute to the African Peer Review Mechanism, whereby African states are encouraged to constructively criticise one another and suggest solutions for the problems of other African countries. It also sang the praises of the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), the official AU blueprint for African economic survival. "Africa's efforts to strengthen pan-African and regional bodies and programmes, including the African Peer Review Mechanism should be strongly supported by developed countries," it stated categorically. Several African countries have been making strenuous efforts to combat corruption. And, the report has taken stock. "Money and state assets stolen from the people of Africa by corrupt leaders must be repatriated," it urged. "Foreign banks must be obliged by law to inform on suspicious accounts... and foreign companies involved in oil, minerals and other extractive industries must make their payments much more open to public scrutiny." There is no point of making demands on a continent that cannot deliver. The report does makes a point, however, of stressing that Africa has the capacity to absorb international aid. The continent has shown that it merits a place in the international world order. The initiative should be welcome news to the African Union (AU), a continental body that groups 53 states, and which is one of the organisations singled out by the report for acclaim. The report actually advises that the AU be supported both politically and financially by the wealthy donor nations. "Rich nations should commit to a timetable for giving 0.7 per cent of their annual income in aid," as agreed upon at the G8 summit in Kananaskis, Canada, in 2002 the report advised. "Ensuring the money is well-spent will depend on two factors. First, good governance in Africa must continue to advance. But, second, donors must significantly improve the quality of aid and how it is delivered: that means more grants, more predictable and untied aid, and donor processes that are less burdensome on the already stretched administration of African countries," the report explained. And then there is the question of priorities. The question still poses itself because previous reports on Africa rarely focus on priorities, and instead offer vague recommendations. The Commission for Africa report makes a priority of investing in people. "To support the changes that have begun in Africa, we call for an additional $25 billion per year in aid, to be implemented by 2010. Donor countries should commit immediately to provide their fair share of this," it concluded.
