It would seem, writes Salah Montasser, that military rule in Egypt is over Egyptian intellectuals often wondered if Egypt would ever emerge from the military rule it has had since July 1952. The Free Officers who overthrew the monarchy declared the country a republic on 18 June 1953. Since then, we have had four presidents. General Mohamed Naguib was the first. Selected by his colleagues in the Revolutionary Command Council, he held power for 16 months. He was then dismissed and placed under house arrest outside Cairo. Naguib was released only after Nasser died. Colonel Gamal Abdel-Nasser was Egypt's second president. He never had to compete with any other candidate for the job. Once, in 1962, a teacher named Badei El-Shermolsi said he wanted to run for president. He was promptly sent to a mental hospital. The revolution was 18 years old by the time our third president, Anwar El-Sadat took over. His legitimacy came from the fact that he was one of the Free Officers who staged the revolution. Vice-president under Nasser, Sadat was confirmed in office through a referendum. Six years later, he waged the 1973 War. It was the first Arab war ever involving a victory against Israel and it boosted his legitimacy as the nation's leader. At the start of Sadat's presidency, a new constitution was written allowing the president to stay in office a maximum of two six- year terms. A year after the end of Sadat's second term, some people called for the constitution to be amended to allow the president to stay in office for life. Sadat himself did not live to enjoy the privileges bestowed by the amendment. He was assassinated shortly before the end of his second term. President Hosni Mubarak succeeded Sadat and kept the constitution, until now, unchanged. Mubarak was not one of the Free Officers who mounted the 1952 Revolution. His legitimacy came from the fact that he was commander of the air force in 1973. Sadat brought him in as vice-president to infuse the country's leadership with a man from a new generation. President Mubarak has been in power for four terms and appears physically fit to go on for another. But countries last much longer than presidents, and Egyptians were naturally concerned about the future and who is to succeed Mubarak. I have talked to many of the new generation in our schools and universities and was surprised to discover that not one of them dreams of ever becoming president. When I asked them about their future plans they talked about being doctors or engineers, or working in the media or in cinema. Apparently, there is an invisible barrier holding the young from even thinking of running the country. This was undoubtedly one of the reasons some people were enthusiastic about Gamal Mubarak becoming the country's next president. President Mubarak denied more than once any intention to bequeath power to his son along the lines of the North Korean and Syrian examples. And yet many suggested that Gamal Mubarak should serve as a "transitional president", a leader that takes Egypt from military to civilian rule. The most significant thing about President Mubarak's sudden decision to amend the constitution and establish multi-candidate elections is that it spread the belief that the military's monopoly on power is over. In six, 12, or 18 years, a military man may run for president, but he will have to do so as one candidate among many. Mubarak took political parties and the people by surprise. People realise that the post of president influences the country's policy and economy, as well as its foreign and Arab ties. A post of such stature requires a process of preparation of potential candidates. This is where political parties have a part to play. The stage may be empty today of worthy rivals to President Mubarak. Even if the president decides not to run for the next elections, many may pressure him to do so. But let us not just think of the present. Unlike presidents, countries do not retire or die. This country has to stay young, and will draw its youth and vigour from the new faces that are bound to come to power.
