Finally, the Iraqi parliament has a speaker, though further hurdles remain before a political process is in place, reports Mohamed Al-Anwar in Baghdad Despite all its difficulties, with last Sunday's election of the parliament speaker and his deputies (Hajim Al- Hassani, Hussein Al-Shahristani and Arif Taifur, respectively), Iraq has passed the first hurdle on the way to creating a procedural framework for the political process. Although the MPs' selection and nomination processes had a democratic veneer, most Iraqis are convinced that the final decision was the result of an agreement between the United Iraqi Alliance, the Kurdish coalition and the Iraqi List, according to which the United Iraqi Alliance would withdraw the nomination of its Sunni Arab candidate (Fouaz Al- Jarba) in return for the head of the Liberation and Conciliation Bloc, Mishaan Al-Jabouri, withdrawing his own nomination as representative for the Sunni Arabs. In an interview with Al-Ahram Weekly Al-Jabouri confirmed that he had withdrawn to preserve Iraqi unity, pointing out that he was a candidate by consent not election, since there are not enough Sunni Arab votes to guarantee him victory. This agreement finally ended the crisis that had been building up to the parliamentary session. Although everyone was aware of the difficulty and delicacy of the situation, a considerable amount of political gamesmanship was on display during the crisis, and many Iraqis felt frustrated at the behaviour of their new leaders. "We hope that the selection of the parliamentary speaker will be the first step in many," Ali Al-Dapagh, an Iraqi analyst told the Weekly. He pointed out that the new government faces a number of serious challenges at this early stage. In his inaugural speech to the parliament Hajem Al- Hassani was in agreement, talking about the challenges facing Iraq's various institutions; from regulating traffic, to pressing security considerations -- coincidentally that left at least 34 MPs absent from his speech -- through to the drafting of a new Iraqi constitution. Once a presidential office -- formed of the president and his deputies -- is created, and a new Iraqi government formed, Iraq can start the process of restoring stability and rebuilding the country. In haggling over candidates and posts Sunni Arabs have only highlighted the political divisions that exist among their ranks. They have also strengthened the argument of those who consider Sunni indecision to be one of the main obstacles on the way to political progress; particularly in light of their strident demands for ministerial power in the coming government and the bemusement caused by their lacking any source of political authority. This difficulty was strongly evident in the recent past, and its possible repercussions for the near political future -- especially for a more coherent Sunni showing in the forthcoming elections -- have been noted. Meanwhile, the supreme Shia authority Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani issued a fatwa calling for citizens to enroll in Iraq's armed forces and police force. This fatwa was little more than a rubber-stamping exercise, since a majority of those currently working in the security services are Shia. More important was the fatwa issued by almost 60 prominent Sunni clerics and members of the Association of Muslim Scholars which called for Sunni enrollment on the grounds that, "the nation's security can only be guaranteed with the formation of an army and police force whose members are truly committed to the defence of the homeland." This represents a radical change in the Sunni religious establishment's position, contrasting the association's previous fatwas that forbade joining the police or the armed forces. A Sunni Arab analyst explains that "this [latest] fatwa was issued because Shia elements have come to dominate the security forces and are undertaking operations in [Sunni] Arab areas. There was no option but to issue a fatwa calling for Sunni Arabs to take control of security in their own towns and areas." In addition, "Sunni Arabs working alongside Shias in the security services will create harmony and mutual cooperation between the two sides and bring an end to the sectarian flavour of the current security forces," the analyst said. Although the fatwa has in general met with an enthusiastic response, questions remain as to whether the whole Sunni religious establishment consents to the call, especially since those members of the Association of Muslim Scholars who signed it did so in a personal capacity. What, for example, is the position of the Iraqi resistance? Will those groups who assassinate policemen and members of the armed services on the basis that they are abetting a foreign occupier bring a halt to their operations? This point is of particular interest as although attacks on American forces decreased last month, they have risen again in recent days in both Baghdad and Mosul. It would seem, however, that the insurgents are changing their targets, focussing on American as opposed to Iraqi forces, something that was noted in the recent assault on Abu Ghraib prison. With the young Shia leader Moqtada Al-Sadr calling for a million-man demonstration, 9 April is unlikely to pass peacefully here in Baghdad, especially not in Firdous Square where American forces orchestrated the pulling down of Saddam Hussein's statue two years ago. Sadr's supporters have said that they will be demanding the occupation's withdrawal and the speedy trial of Saddam Hussein. Hajim Al-Hassani: The first parliamentary speaker in the post-Saddam era AFTER a difficult few days the Iraqi National Assembly finally elected the Sunni MP Hajem Al- Hassani (from the Iraqi List led by Ghazi Al- Yawer) as its parliamentary speaker. Fifty-year-old Al-Hassani is one of the few Sunni figures to gain the approval of the National Assembly after President Al-Yawer turned down the Sunni- reserved post. Al-Hassani was born in Kirkuk in 1954 and graduated from Mosul University. In 1979 he travelled to the United States where he spent most of his professional life. Having gained two degrees in agriculture and economics from the universities of Nebraska and Connecticut he worked for 12 years in Los Angeles, eventually becoming head of a trade and investment company. Throughout this period he was involved in politics, working as an activist for the Iraqi Islamic Party that opposed Saddam Hussein. In 2003, following the American invasion, Al-Hassani returned to Iraq and was appointed to the Interim Governing Council. During this period the Iraqi Islamic Party emerged as a genuine political force, especially in the Al-Anbar region where Al-Hassani played a central role in trying to avert an American-led military assault on the town by persuading rebels to cease their operations. When his efforts failed, Al-Hassani gave his support to the US armed forces, in particular to operations against Falluja in April 2004, a stance which angered his colleagues in the Islamic Party though he refused to meet their demands that he resign as minister of economy. Following the American assault on Falluja he was involved in distributing humanitarian aid to remaining inhabitants as well as helping in the reconstruction process.
