To shift from armed resistance to political governance is not easy, but Hamas, holding talks in Cairo, knows it must, reports Sherine Bahaa In world history there are few precedents of religious armed resistance movements branded by the West as terrorist jumping overnight into the seat of power. A transitional period may have made things predictable at least. Hamas is now by far the biggest party in the new Palestinian parliament, with 80 out of 132 seats at its command, after four Hamas-endorsed independents joined the movement's 76 successful candidates. The group has also decided to name Jamal Al-Khudairi, a Gaza businessman who ran for parliament as an independent with Hamas backing, as its candidate for Palestinian prime minister. Of course, Hamas was positive about the success, but the magnitude proved shocking to the movement as well as to the international community. Warnings, calls for moderation and at other times calls for boycotting were swiftly bounced back and forth but rarely did a voice of reason resonate. Ironically, the rational was heard only from members of Hamas, both inside and outside the occupied Palestinian territories. For his part, Ismail Haniya, a top Hamas candidate and possible future prime minister pledged "a flexible openness". "Don't be afraid. Hamas is an aware and mature movement, one which is politically open to the Palestinian arena, to the Arab and Islamic worlds, and also to the international arena," Haniya told the BBC in an interview. But hints of pragmatism may not be enough. Is Hamas willing to pay the price for becoming the guardian and guide of occupied Palestine? To clear the dust once and for all, leading members of the movement from both inside and outside the occupied territories -- including exiled political chief Khaled Meshaal -- arrived in Cairo this week to chart the future of Palestinian politics with their Palestinian president and Fatah's leader Mahmoud Abbas and in the presence of Egyptian officials. It was in Cairo yesterday that Al-Khudairi, the chairman of the board of the Islamic University in Gaza, was picked as the group's candidate for the prime minister post. Cairo has been a regular host to inter- Palestinian talks, with reason. Egypt is a key player in the Arab-Israeli peace process, even if its role unfolds in coordination with the US. Moreover, there is a national security interest: the emergence of new elements on the Palestinian side (the burgeoning influence of Islamist Hamas) undoubtedly will influence Egypt's stability, especially after the rise of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt's own parliamentary elections. In talks, Egypt's number two man, Omar Suleiman, head of General Intelligence, made three forceful and public demands of Hamas: "one, they should stop the violence. Two, it should become doctrine with them to be committed to all the agreements signed with Israel. Three, they have to recognise Israel." He added that if Hamas's leadership "does not commit to these conditions, Palestinian President Abu Mazen will not be obliged to ask Hamas to form a new government." Trying to contain the situation, deputy head of Hamas's political bureau, Moussa Abu Marzouq, denied Hamas was intent on turning its back on previous Cairo agreements. "There is no authority that inherits another authority without abiding by the agreements already made," said Abu Marzouq. Yet, Abu Marzouq rejected any recognition of the state of Israel as "unacceptable". "We can not recognise Israel, as that violates our principles and our election platform of resistance, reform and change," said Abu Marzouq. "You don't run on a platform and then reverse it when you win." This is only expected, as one Arab diplomat told Al-Ahram Weekly : "Any change on the political agenda of Hamas is very unlikely. They are an opposition resistance movement and they know it, and they know they were elected for this, so no way they can give it up that soon." The target of this Arab tour by the movement is simply embarking on dialogue and exploring the stances of Arab partners. Hamas faces a long track of hurdles, the foremost of which is appointing a government, followed by putting the Palestinian house in order, securing the flow of aid, working on the peace process, and sustaining contacts with Israel for purpose of the day to day running of municipalities. Imagine Hamas doing the latter. It is evidently clear that things are going to be different now. "There is now a breed of Palestinian leaders the world will have to deal with," said one Arab diplomat. Exile and prison, refugee camps, targeted assassinations and a strict reading of Islam have moulded the philosophy of Hamas; it is this background that informs both the movement's social commitments and its stance vis-à-vis the conflict with Israel. Hamas knows quite well that they did not win the elections because of their religious credentials. Hamas had already served as an alternative government supplanting the ineffective Palestinian Authority, rive with corruption. As the world looks to what is coming next, no country is better positioned than Egypt to influence Hamas's strategy in the future. Both maintain a special relationship that Hamas cannot, without hurting itself, ignore. Until now Egypt provides the only opening for the Palestinians to the outside world, both literally and arguably -- with Egypt as a key US regional ally -- diplomatically. Hamas's leaders have subsequently relied on Egyptian mediation with Fatah to investigate the possibility of establishing a coalition government with the secular movement of Abu Mazen as well as other Palestinian factions. Some Fatah officials rejected the suggestion when first made following the announcement of election results. Hamas is under pressure -- principally from Egypt -- to leave vital control of the security apparatus to Abu Mazen. Reportedly, the Hamas delegation visiting Cairo will shortly visit other Arab capitals to seek financial support for the new, and soon to be formed, Palestinian government.
