Political wrangling continues as the heat rises in Baghdad and the militia problem goes unresolved as yet, reports Nermeen Al-Mufti Baghdad has electricity for only one hour out of every five or so. The city is about to have another hot, sweaty summer, but that's the least of its worries. Public amenities are inadequate and sectarian panic is palpable in the streets. At various checkpoints, motorists encounter men in police uniform who ask if they are Sunnis or Shias and act accordingly. No wonder there is a booming business in forged IDs. People with names that give away their sectarian affiliation are tempted to buy phoney IDs with more neutral names. The Omars and Marwans, Sufyans and Alis are all shopping for a second identity. Interior Minister Bayan Jabr Solagh has admitted that thousands of men who are not from the police force are wearing police uniform and using vehicles that look like police cars. Their presence in the capital is a source of endless alarm. Average Iraqis are willing to believe the reassurances Prime Minister-designate Nouri Al-Maliki has been making, but they also expect action. So far, the disbanding of militia remains but a promise. Politicians continue as usual bargaining for position. Janan Ali, an expert on Iraqi domestic affairs, told Al-Ahram Weekly that, "the disbanding of the militia is one of the hardest things a transitional government can do. But unless this problem is addressed, Iraq's tribulations will persist. Security reports issued during Bremer's time speak of 11 militia groups in the country, even without mentioning the Badr forces, the Mahdi army and the Peshmergas. We're told the Badr has turned into a political organisation and that the Mahdi army and the Peshmergas are not militias in the exact sense of the word. But the situation remains tense. When Iyad Allawi headed the second transitional government, he tried to dissolve the militia. He failed. At the end of the day, the credibility of any government hinges on disbanding the militia." And about incorporating the militia into the army, the police, and the various security services? Hassan Aziz, a retired general, explains the difficulties: "It is hard to incorporate the militia into the army and police services because of the divergence in ideology and loyalties. The government will have to restructure the security and army services, because so far these services have followed the ethnic and sectarian divisions that surfaced under Bremer and were nourished by successive governments. As for the militia, the first step should be to confiscate their weapons; then we may start thinking of the next step." The militias are the thorniest issue facing Al-Maliki. The prime minister-designate has the blessing of Ali Al-Sistani, the country's top Shia authority. When the two men met last week in Najaf, Al-Sistani called on Al-Maliki to disband the militias and give the defence or interior portfolios to men not known for their sectarian zeal. Sources close to the United Iraqi Alliance, a current supported by Al-Sistani, say the Shias are still divided over who should become interior minister. Some want the post to go to Bayan Jabr while others argue that it should go to an independent figure. Sadr supporters want to have the oil and electricity portfolios. Kurds demand the Foreign Ministry while the Alliance and the Iraqi Accord Front (IAF) lists want the next foreign minister to be of Arab origin. Iden Aksu of the Turkoman Front told the Weekly that, "Iran has admitted that its forces have crossed the Iraqi borders near Haj Omran. In view of the Iranian build-up and the Turkish plans to attack the PKK (the Kurdistan Workers Party), the Kurds are now willing to make concessions. The Talibani office has just broken the news that meetings had taken place between armed Iraqi groups and [those of] Talibani. This is a sign that the Kurds are trying to appease the Iraqi public." How about the Turkomans and Kirkuk? "Al-Maliki has said that the constitution has resolved the matter of Kirkuk; that census and a referendum are in order. The referendum, I believe, should be conducted in the entire country, not Kirkuk alone. We call for the evacuation of all those who came recently to Kirkuk, including thousands of Iranian Kurds who used to live in the Tash Camp near Al-Ramadi before the occupation," Aksu said. Kurdish leaders maintain that newcomers were originally Kurds who had been expelled from Kirkuk. "Those who have moved to Kirkuk of late are living on government property. They haven't left a public or private plot of land without building a modest home on it. The question is: Where are the homes in which they lived in the past? The inhabitants who were expelled from the city under Saddam numbered 10,000, and they have all gone back to their homes, or to homes built on the land they once owned. Now, we have hundreds of thousands who have taken refuge in stadiums and makeshift camps. Let the Kurdish leaders provide evidence that these people once lived in Kirkuk, or Dakuk, or Tuzhormatu," Aksu added. Are armed groups actually engaged in talks with Talibani, even as the occupation continues? I asked several people associated with the resistance. No one confirmed the news. Ibrahim Al-Shamri, spokesman of the Islamic Army, said: "We're not holding negotiations with the Talibani or the government, because we don't recognise them in the first place. Our goals are known to all: the occupation forces must leave the country." In a telephone interview with a source close to the Baath Party, the source denied that the Baath is party to any talks with government officials. The source said that the Baath leadership has issued a statement announcing the dismissal of 144 Baath officials for organisational and disciplinary reasons. One of the dismissed officials was Mohamed Younes Al-Ahmed, a former Baath member and wanted by US forces. His name has appeared as one of those engaged in talks with Talibani. Abu Aws, who is close to Thawrat Al-Ishrin, another armed group operating in Iraq, said that his group is not holding talks with the government and that its only demand is the departure of occupation forces. For its part, the Association of Muslim Scholars (AMS) expressed dissatisfaction with ongoing consultations concerning the formation of a new government. The current impasse, it said, fuels sectarianism and complicates the security situation. "We've always warned of the US scheme to divide the country across sectarian lines, for the consequences would be alarming. One possibility is that we would end up with a weak country that cannot emerge from the security debacle. A government formed through bickering is not one that would be able to lead Iraq out of this vicious circle," the AMS declared. Sources say that both Saleh Al-Motalek and Iyad Allawi have been nominated to the National Security Council. Al-Motalek and Allawi are not taking part in the consultations to form the new government. Nonetheless, the Allawi-led Iraqi National Accord list is asking for the deputy prime minister post and for a larger share of ministries. Al-Motalek has not yet decided whether to join the government. Essam Al-Rawi, an AMS official, has criticised the security situation in Iraq. He told reporters that, "the Al-Qaeda branch of Zarqawi and the remnants of Baath officials are out to get Sunni politicians." Saleh Al-Motalek told the Weekly that there are regional forces that target Sunni politicians. To keep everyone pleased, the government intends to increase the number of cabinet portfolios to a total of 40. Average Iraqis hope that the increase in ministers will help bring security, restore vital services to the country, and inject life back into the economy. Others fear that the new posts will only inflate government expenses. The weekly newspaper Al-Qalaah has been running a plea to the government saying that "We need security, electricity, water, fuel and services. In a nutshell, we want to live." Meanwhile, occupation forces have engaged in fierce battles in Diyali and Ramadi with so-called "insurgents". The battles became more pitched following the release of a taped video message allegedly from Abu Musaab Al-Zarqawi a few days ago.
