The old Arab dreams of unity, liberty, justice and development are sound, but it is the youth, not the aging generation, that will see these ideas into practice, writes Farouk El Baz* My generation has failed to achieve any of the hopes of the Arab people. It did not succeed in reaching the goals that were deemed attainable by the vast majority. The generation in question was educated in schools and universities locally and abroad in the 1950s and 1960s. Among us were extraordinary people full of energy, hope and determination. With the enthusiasm of youth, nothing appeared insurmountable. Failure was not imaginable. The future was ours to shape and the lifting of the Arab world to the highest levels of human development appeared certain in the near distance. We spoke of the future with commendable resolve. Our four goals were to: first, unify the Arab world; second, liberate Palestine; third, institute social justice; and fourth eradicate illiteracy. Unifying the Arab world was first and foremost on my generation's agenda. We believed that Arabs everywhere were unified by common history, language, culture and hopes for the future. With few exceptions, their land was divided into countries by colonial powers. Their borders were lines drawn on maps with little accuracy, did not represent natural boundaries, and lacked tribal or historical significance. Joining these disparate entities into one nation, or a federation of countries, would create a meaningful block that would have a befitting presence on the world stage. It was assumed that the unity of Arab countries would lead to the liberation of Palestine. We believed that the Palestinian people paid the price for the inhumanity of Nazi Germany towards European Jews. We feared that establishing a Jewish state would increase religious extremism, polarise sects and initiate untenable sectarian strife throughout the region. Palestine was part of the Arab world where Muslims, Christians and Jews could live in harmony and peace as they had accommodated each other there for 2,000 years. Just before our time, the Arab world was still productive: Egyptian cotton was a highly prized commodity worldwide; Syrian artisans produced imaginative handiwork; and emerging industries were satisfying local needs everywhere. But, we felt that the riches benefited only a few. We perceived an upper class of greedy landlords and industrialists who exploited the labour force. Our sought after social justice came in the form of a Robin Hood solution: take from the rich and give to the poor. This simplistic model was imposed by revolutionary governments of the time as "Arab socialism," a poor cousin of failed practices in the Soviet Union. We also believed that establishing social justice would tend to our last goal of eradicating illiteracy. We felt that the Arab people remained exploited because many were illiterate. They either did not know their rights, or did not have the intellectual means to attain them. Thus we envisioned organising, training and motivating groups of college students to devote their summer months to teaching young and old how to read and write throughout the land. What went wrong? There was nothing wrong with any of these goals; in fact, most remain valid to this day. It was the approach to these that was impractical or counter-productive. The failure was due to dependence on strengthening institutions rather than on building the capacity of individuals. Government institutions were inept, inefficient and self-serving. Assured employment with increasing perks, no matter what the performance, had created a highly protective culture of the status quo. Efficient propaganda machines touted the lofty aims of governments. Populations were kept in a dark cloud of smoke that inhibited vision and reflection. Lies became facts and regression became progress. None of our goals could have been accomplished under then prevailing systems. Concentrating power in the hands of "people of trust," rather than of knowledge and ability, held back progress and suffocated innovation. Technocrats lost their self-respect and acquiesced. Young workers in every field were expected to simply do as asked. None were encouraged to change, improve or try new or better ways. Individual initiative was forbidden and institutional decay became the norm. The excitement of contributing was lost and a malaise took hold of all aspects of society and economy. As Arab governments spent energy on their own survival, the cause of unity was relegated to empty slogans at ineffective conferences and summit meetings. A federation of Arab countries could not have been established based on emotional ties, and without popularising the gains to all parties. (The European Union emerged after years of unstinting efforts by many leaders to explain the various benefits to their people, and the proper institutional framework had to be put in place.) Thought should have been given to benefits from common trade, security, mobility of labour, etc. Also, an Arab union could not have happened in the atmosphere of mistrust and fear of the strong by the weak, which prevailed at the time. It was not possible without sacrifices on the part of the haves for the betterment of the have-nots. It required visionary leaders capable of inspiring their people to work for the public good and to achieve a common goal. In the meantime, deciding to change the tragic fate of the Palestinians by military means was definitely counter-productive. It changed the story from that of the displaced Palestinians who were robbed of their land and their freedom to that of seven armies of huge countries trying to invade fragile, little Israel. The human tragedy should have remained as such: people who had suffered great injustice should not cause suffering to others. The conscience of the world could have been aroused in favour of the Palestinians through the United Nations, which was once a powerful and vigorous organisation. Because of reliance on the military option, all else was neglected in the Arab "confrontation states." Their banners of the time proclaimed: "No voice rises above the voice of the battle." In practice, this meant: "Do not question anything", as all spending was directed towards the war effort. Individuals became muzzled and no one dared to question those holding power. The grasp of government-run institutions expanded and tightened. Ineptness and corruption set in, derailing the few remaining signs of economic productivity or cultural enhancement. As to the goal of eradicating illiteracy, it was practically forgotten. It was replaced by a loud buzz of "free education for all." Governments opened schools and universities with or without teacher preparation. These institutions were not based on long-range plans grounded in societal or market needs. Officials continued to issue statistics of the number of schools opened each year, yet illiteracy remained high, and in some countries even increased. What To Do If my generation has failed to achieve its goals it should no longer be left in charge of the future. Moving forward in a new direction requires leaders with courage, vision, energy and determination. A younger generation should be given the opportunity to inspire change and uplift the Arab world from its present state. To forge a new path, however, one must first recognise the failings of the old one. We owe it to future generations of Arabs to admit our failure and point to the right direction. The present goal should be to build the ability and self-confidence of younger citizens and to put trust in them. Therefore, it is important to encourage and empower mid-career individuals to take the necessary initiatives to motivate the workforce and upgrade the capacity of institutions. Such individuals could only thrive in a culture of respect for the minds of its men and women. Individual contributions can only blossom in an atmosphere of valuing knowledge and rewarding excellence in a fair and transparent manner. In reality, this translates into the need for a generation with self-confidence, which is essential for innovation, "thinking out of the box", providing alternatives to the status quo, or leading others to a common good. It also requires nurturing capabilities through constant acquisition of knowledge for its own sake. Personal sacrifice for the good of the nation is something that can be taught. Implanting national pride by leaders, intellectuals and the media can produce useful citizens. It makes people feel satisfaction by doing something for the benefit of others, without expecting pay or thanks. Personal pride from being useful and valuable far outweighs material rewards. Although it requires attention by parents, teachers and the media, redirecting the goals of the new generations of Arabs is not an insurmountable challenge. It calls for changing the culture from one of admiring riches to one of respecting knowledge and valuing the work ethic. It requires young men and women with enough self-confidence and self-respect to dedicate their energy towards the benefit of society. Only a generation armed with the ability to effect change from the ways of the past can achieve the legitimate hopes of the Arab people for a better future. * The writer is director of the Centre for Remote Sensing at Boston University and adjunct professor in the Faculty of Science, Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt.
