The unity government in Palestine has yet to be agreed upon, but a comprehensive settlement between factions in the war-torn region is still attainable, writes Khaled Amayreh from the West Bank Last-minute differences between Hamas and Fatah have caused yet another delay in the formation of the long-awaited Palestinian national unity government. Palestinian officials have given differing accounts as to the scope of the crisis surrounding talks between the two largest Palestinian political resistance groups. Nabil Amr, an aide to Palestinian Authority (PA) Chairman Mahmoud Abbas, spoke of "deadlock" and a "dead-end". However, PA Spokesman Nabil Abu Rudeineh gave a different impression, saying that talks with Hamas were continuing and that "everyone hopes that a government of national unity will see the light before the end of this month." Meanwhile, Palestinian Foreign Minister Mahmoud Al-Zahar attributed failure to reach a speedy agreement between Fatah and Hamas to the introduction by Fatah of new proposals to abandon the notion of a government of "national reconciliation" or "national unity" and instead go for "a government of experts" that would include no members of either Hamas or Fatah. Speaking during a press conference on Tuesday, Zahar said that talks with Fatah had to be postponed for "a few days" to enable them to study the new proposals regarding the formation of a government of experts. He said that Hamas was worried that a totally apolitical government might prove to be weak and vulnerable to international pressure. They are especially worried that such a government may even eventually budge to American dictates. This would be especially problematic with regard to recognising Israel, abandoning resistance to the Israeli occupation and accepting all outstanding agreements between Israel and the PA. Earlier this week, Hamas's Damascus-based leader Khaled Meshaal held talks with former Fatah PA Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei in the Syrian capital Damascus. Both Meshaal and Qurei spoke positively and optimistically about the "nearness" of forming a government of national unity in Palestine. Qurei said, following a meeting with Syrian Vice-President Farouk Al-Sharaa, that he was certain that the government would be formed "within the next few days". For his part, Meshaal said "all we need now are the detailed applications and guarantees for the success of this endeavour because our goal is to lift the siege on our people and then devote ourselves to the larger, more important issue of liberation and freedom, as well as the cardinal issues of Jerusalem, the Wall, the settlements and the right of return." Six points According to insiders observing the talks between Hamas and Fatah, there are six contentious points preventing the speedy conclusion of an agreement between the two sides. The first point is Hamas's insistence that it retain control over the portfolios of interior, health, finance, and education in return for Fatah taking the Foreign Ministry. According to reliable sources, Abbas suggested that "independent figures" be at the helm of the three more important portfolios (foreign, interior, and finance). However, Hamas argued that the Interior Ministry in particular was too sensitive to be entrusted to an independent figure lacking a powerful popular base. The second issue is the demand by Hamas that the formation of the government be coupled with the lifting of the financial and political blockade on the Palestinians. Abbas reportedly told Hamas that he had detected "positive signals" in this regard from the west, particularly from the European Union. The third point is Hamas's demand that Israel release all Palestinian cabinet ministers and lawmakers before the new government becomes operational. Fatah says that this condition is beyond its power, arguing further that it was not right to keep Palestinian national interests hostage to Israel's intransigence and whims. The Israeli occupation army abducted scores of Palestinian government officials and lawmakers following the capture of an Israeli occupation soldier in Gaza in June. Israel has indicated that the abductees wouldn't be released unless the captured soldier was freed. The fourth matter is Hamas's insistence that it be treated as an equal partner vis-à-vis Fatah and be consulted when appointing ambassadors, town governors and in filling other key posts. Fatah has not rejected these demands outright, but said that these issues should not be discussed prior to the formation of the government and would have to wait until a later stage. It is well known the vast bulk of PA ambassadors and representatives abroad, as well as town governors and other important officials, are affiliated with Fatah. Hamas argues that this fact represents a huge imbalance which ought to be rectified. The fifth point is Hamas's demand that the political programme of the next government receive unanimous approval by all factions before its inauguration. Fatah, for its part, argues that this matter concerns Abbas and the next prime minister and shouldn't become a subject of lengthy bargaining by the factions. Finally, Hamas demands that steps to reform and rebuild the PLO ought to be taken immediately allowing a new PLO to be born before the end 2007. In light, and given the often complex nature of these contentious issues, it is probably safe to assume that the two sides are not going to succeed in forming a government of national unity or of experts in a matter of days, or even in a few weeks Added to this is the inherent mistrust between Hamas and Fatah, especially with regard to the face and shape of the next government. Hamas simply wanted to make sure that the new government will not adopt the policies of the former Fatah governments. Hamas charges them, with not a small degree of validity, with readily accommodating Israeli demands and dictates in order to stay in power. For its part, Fatah wants a government that is recognisable by and acceptable to, the international community, especially the United States and EU, so that the PA would once again be in a position to ensure the exertion of international pressure on Israel. Hamas says that conducting the same experiment again and again is an act of national irresponsibility and failed leadership. Fatah retorts by arguing that the Palestinians must not commit national suicide, citing the experience of the last few months and the unprecedented crisis and harshness suffered by the Palestinians due to international sanctions imposed on the Hamas-led government for refusing to recognise Israel. Meanwhile, Hamas and the Islamic Jihad organisations have indicated a willingness to observe a ceasefire with Israel on the condition of Israeli reciprocity. Officials from the two groups have spoken of a willingness and readiness to stop the firing of the home-made Qassam projectiles on Israeli settlements outside Gaza if Israel agreed to put an end to its near daily forays, incursions and extraordinary executions of Palestinian activists and civilians. Israel killed as many as 400 Palestinians, the bulk of them innocent civilians, in the past four months, while losing four or five Israelis, two of them soldiers. So far, the Israeli government of Ehud Olmert refuses to observe a mutual ceasefire with the Palestinians, arguing that Israel can't give up its right to fight terror under any circumstances. Hamas calls this a "policy of provocation" arguing that it was utterly illogical to ask the Palestinians to observe a ceasefire while Israel continues to murder and assassinate Palestinians. "This would be like fornicating with language," said one Hamas leader in the West Bank.
