Looking at the administrative map of the Sinai Peninsula, one finds lines running across sand and mountains. Those lines form polygons that represent regional (governorate) and municipal boundaries. The administrative lines do not follow the environmental, social or economic realities on ground, such as valleys, mountain ridges, natural resources, population distribution and economic potential. The planners included a major city/town (mostly on the peninsula's coastlines) within the administrative boundaries of each “polygon-shaped municipality”. Thus, at least the coastal side of each municipality conforms to local realities. Contrarily, the inland boundaries remain out of context. The administrative lines have reflected a centralised approach towards the governance of the peninsula since the late 1970s and early 1980s. This approach does not consider each municipality as an integrated local unit. Instead, it widely overlooks municipal property lines, community coherence, shared economy, service areas, financial efficiency, accessibility and inclusion of development plans. Moreover, there are lesser-known lines, undrawn and unconsidered on Sinai's administrative map. Some of these missing lines represent natural protectorates, tribal boundaries and local economic zones. Similar lines can be found in specialised studies only. While having tribal boundary lines on an administrative map is highly geopolitical and divisive, especially in a transborder region such as the Sinai Peninsula, the exclusion of such determinations has a negative impact on Sinai's governance and national development plans. It is important to highlight that tribal boundary lines are not totally neglected in Egyptian politics. Successive governments in Cairo have officially recognised tribal sheikhs since the late 19th century under a little-changed framework. This allows Bedouin sheikhs to represent specific communities rather than well-defined local areas. In the early 1980s the Bedouins of South Sinai were officially represented by an assistant secretary-general for tribal affairs in South Sinai governorate. Impact of drawn and undrawn lines: Living or working inside one of Sinai's “polygon-shaped municipalities” exposes local Egyptian Bedouin and Nile Valley citizens, small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and development plans to undue uncertainties. Those uncertainties start with access to housing, utilities, services and jobs, in addition to applying for different private and commercial licences and land tenure (private or collective ownership, or leasehold), and do not end up with economic integrity and geographically balanced development plans. For example, many national and international developers faced serious issues while operating in Sinai due to unrealistic administrative lines or the lack of information about other undrawn lines. One tribe might act as an obstacle on the way to implementing a development project in the territory of another neighbouring tribe if developers did not consider the provision of the same utility or service in the territory of the first tribe. An Egyptian Bedouin or Nile Valley household is more likely to develop a house or a farm on unregistered/unlicenced state land or a traditional land-use area, due to the unclear procedure to apply for land tenure (ownership) and/or the existence of the land in a remote valley where there is no clear land use policy. Permission for tapping groundwater has to be granted by law for sustainable exploitation of natural resources. This partially takes place across planned agriculture zones only. A Bedouin who traditionally owns a palm grove or an orchard mostly holds traditional tribal ownership documents, but does not hold official ones. Major investors approach the central government in Cairo or regional authorities in North and South Sinai governorates to resolve similar matters away from the underpowered municipal authorities. This leads to multiple unplanned impacts on the communities living inside the “polygon-shaped municipalities”. New regional and municipal boundaries: While governance of the Sinai Peninsula is centrally driven from Cairo, with lesser authorities given to the governorates and very little authority to the municipalities, there was a government attempt to redraw the boundaries of Sinai's governorates between August 2014 and July 2015. This attempt should lead to a considerable change in municipal boundaries. The government is planning to introduce Central Sinai governorate for the benefit of the communities that live distant from main service and population centres in both North and South Sinai governorates. The success of and local community acceptance for the new regional and municipal boundaries depends on full consideration for the undrawn lines on Sinai's administrative map. Earlier (and current) attempts aimed to develop special status areas such as economic zones or environmental protectorates. This would lease some executive powers from the municipalities to the special status areas, which would allow better financial planning and resources allocation for the benefit of both investors and/or local communities. Gebel Magahra coal mining zone in the north (Al-Hassana municipality, planned to be part of Central Sinai governorate) and St Catherine Natural Protectorate in the south (mainly, Katharin municipality) are two controversial remote examples of inland municipalities. The planning for the first was conducted through the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Millennium Ecosystem Assessment between 2001 and 2005. The area is subjected to high and concentrated negative environmental impact due to mining activities. On the other hand, the planning and implementation for the second was successful between 1996 and 2003. Several services and administrative functions were resolved by the local office of the natural protectorate (through signed agreements with the municipality), before it was later perceived by local Bedouins as an obstacle by failing to balance between community needs and environmental protection. Although both examples have the most potential zoning plans across the peninsula by considering many of the undrawn lines, Al-Hassana and Katharin municipalities did not succeed in capitalising on those plans due to their administrative structure. The argument in both municipalities ended by favouring economic zones over protected areas, rather than the effective implementation and development of already-existing zoning plans. Ultimately, the new regional and municipal boundaries need to move from the existing “polygon-shaped municipalities” to feasible lines, reflected in the organisation of an effective local governance structure. The writer teaches at Durham University and is founder of Sinai Peninsula Research.
