The crisis of illegal migration from the countries of the South to Europe is not new, but it has grown worse in recent years, especially in the wake of the Arab Spring revolutions and the spread of war and terrorism in Syria, Iraq and Libya. As the numbers of migrants to Europe climbed to 170,000 in 2014, the numbers of those who died in their attempts to reach Europe via the Mediterranean rose to the thousands. More than 1,500 people died en route to Europe in 2015. Libya is known to be the main transit point to Europe for migrants from Africa and the Middle East. More than 140,000 people from the Arab region reached European shores between early 2011 and mid-2014. The conflicts in Syria and Iraq drove hundreds of thousands of people to the southeast European countries of Greece, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Hungary and Austria, in the hope of reaching the wealthier nations of Germany, Italy, Sweden and France. The death toll due to drowning and other incidents have cast a spotlight on the magnitude of the suffering. The death by asphyxiation of 71 people in a truck in Austria and the drowning of more than 400 people off the coast of Italy tell of the dangers migrants face. Some of the conditions they endure after arrival ¾ detention in centres akin to concentration camps and harsh restrictions as occurred recently in Hungary ¾ speak of further hazards and suffering. Indeed, some countries have resorted to force, tear gas and fortifications on their borders to prevent the influx of migrants. The EU migrant crisis consists of a humanitarian and a political component. One European attitude sees the migrants as criminals and favours harsh penalties against them, which aggravates their misery. For the most part, EU countries treat the migrants as a single amorphous group. They make no distinctions between, for example, people fleeing death due to the warfare, sectarian conflicts and security breakdowns in countries such as Syria and Iraq, and who fall prey to human smuggling mafias that charge them extortionate rates and then expose their lives to great danger, exploiting their desperate search for opportunities to survive in Europe, and illegal migrants of the sort that have been arriving in Europe for years in search of better jobs and higher standards of living. Most of the latter come from sub-Saharan Africa and are exploited by human traffickers who have capitalised on Libya's increasingly porous borders and security breakdown since the collapse of the state in 2011. The migrants from conflict zones fall into the category of refugees to whom should apply all the rights stipulated under the relevant UN conventions. The political component of the crisis has several dimensions. One stems from the EU's failure to formulate a unified strategy to respond to the influx of migrants. The consequence of this failure is that each country takes its own separate measures, which in some countries can be quite brutal, while in others are more compassionate and humanitarian. Another relates to the growing influence of the ultra-right camp in Europe, which advocates expelling migrants on the grounds that they pose an economic threat at a time of increased unemployment rates among European youth, a political threat because of the possibility that some of those migrants might belong to Islamist terrorist groups such as Islamic State (IS) and a social threat because of the demographic changes that will arise and the cultural/religious clash between migrant communities and European societies. Given the complex nature of the migrant crisis, it requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses its various humanitarian, political and legal dimensions. First, urgent focus is needed on halting practices that cause further suffering to migrants, especially refugees from conflict-stricken areas. Measures need to be put in place to ensure that they are guaranteed their full political, economic and social rights, and that they are provided with adequate healthcare, nourishment and shelter, especially now that Europe's bitterly cold winter is approaching. European countries must assume their responsibilities, in accordance with international law, respond to the needs of the refugees and grant them the right to asylum in their countries, in view of the gruelling circumstances that compelled those people to flee their homelands. The greatest responsibility falls on transit countries such as Hungary, Austria, Macedonia and Greece. These countries should not impose illegal restrictions that conflict with the provisions of the Dublin Regulation on refugees in Europe. Second, the problem must be addressed radically by eliminating the causes that led refugees to leave their homelands to begin with, especially the conflict zones in Syria and Iraq. All possible efforts need to be exerted to reach a comprehensive political solution to the Syrian crisis that safeguards Syrian territorial integrity, promotes a restoration of stability and ends conflict and warfare there. Undoubtedly, Europe is paying the price for its reluctance to intervene constructively to solve the Syrian and Iraqi crises and for failing to take clear and decisive policies and actions to combat IS. In fact, US and European policies toward IS actually contributed to the infiltration and spread of this terrorist organisation and its seizure of control over large tracts of Syrian and Iraqi territory. The migrant crisis, therefore, has effectively sounded the alarm that the international community must act quickly and concertedly to solve the crises in Syria, Iraq and Libya, and to help these countries realise security, stability and economic growth. Third, the strategy must incorporate measures to help the countries of the South, such as Libya, to control their borders. These countries need to be provided with the necessary logistical support and equipment to monitor their land and maritime borders. At the same time, harsh punitive measures need to be put in place to halt and deter human smuggling and trafficking networks, both in the countries of the South and in Europe. Laws need to be promulgated to penalise anyone who assists or abets the smuggling of migrants and the exploitation of their tragic circumstances. Fourth, wealthy countries, such as those in Europe and North America, should help poor countries attain solid and sustainable development. This entails investment and supporting major development projects and enterprises that help generate jobs to alleviate rampant unemployment in poor countries and eliminate the chief cause of illegal migration. Lastly, the international community must act concertedly as a whole, as the crisis is too large and complex for Europe to handle alone. It is crucial in this regard to act in the framework of the UN and international legitimacy, so as to prevent wealthier nations from taking advantage of the migration issue to intervene in the domestic affairs, and violate the sovereignty of, the countries that are the source of migrant flows. A UN Security Council summit should be held to formulate a comprehensive strategy to remedy the migrant crisis. The migrant crisis is, in fact, a true test of the international community. It requires resolute actions before the crisis becomes a threat to international peace and security, in view of the aggravated human suffering and the failure of the EU so far to cope with the problem effectively. The refugee and migrant phenomena are symptoms of chronic ailments, such as warfare and poverty, which combine to shape an environment that drives hundreds of thousands of people to look to Europe in search of security and a decent life. The writer is a political analyst.
