Sudan now has a new cabinet and presidential team, with the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) appointing Bakri Saleh as vice president, replacing Ali Taha, and Hasabu Abdel-Rahman as second vice president. Ibrahim Ghandour is now presidential assistant, replacing NCP strongman Nafie Ali Nafie. The new cabinet includes Salaheddin Wansi as minister of presidential affairs, Abdel-Wahed Youssef as minister of interior, Ibrahim Mahmoud as minister of agriculture, Mekkawi Awad as minister of petroleum, Badreddin Mahmoud as minister of finance, Somaya Abu Keshwa as minister of higher education, Moetaz Youssef as minister of electricity and dams, Al-Samih Al-Sadiq as minister of industry, Al-Tayeb Hassan as minister of culture, and Tahani Abdallah as minister of communications and technology. Foreign Minister Ali Karti and Metallurgy Minister Kamal Abdel-Latif have kept their jobs in the new government and their positions are unchanged. Al-Fatih Ezzeddin has been made parliamentary speaker, and Eissa Beshra has been appointed as his deputy. Coming at a time of political, military, and economic turmoil in the country, the government reshuffle is being seen as a last-ditch attempt by Sudan's ruling clique to hold onto power. The reshuffle, observers say, is meant to be a “soft coup” against the supporters of political Islam in the current regime. It has also reinforced the presence of the army and the police at the centre of power as the loyal protectors of the status quo. Commentators argue that the regime is trying to secure its future through the reshuffle, with little regard for the needs and aspirations of the Sudanese people. Instead of forming a broad-based government to heal the wounds that years of conflict have inflicted on the country, the regime has opted for a superficial change, excluding some Islamists and redesigning the division of labour between the ruling party and the regime's top brass. Taha and Nafie, both close supporters of Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir, have been placed away from the limelight for now, perhaps to reinforce the charade of change. However, it is believed that the two men will be working hard behind the scenes to prepare for the 2015 elections, and some commentators have speculated that they may run for president and vice president, respectively, in the next elections. With Al-Bashir, Vice President Bakri Saleh and Defence Minister Abdel-Rahim Hussein still in full control of the country, the army has consolidated its hold on power. The reshuffle is not likely to alleviate the political and military turmoil in Sudan, and the recent wave of protests, which erupted in reaction to the lifting of the subsidies on fuel and food, has brought no real change in government attitudes. The armed insurgency declared by the rebel SPLM-North and several Darfur-based groups is likely to continue. In a related development, Sudan's opposition parties have reacted indignantly to the allegations made by NCP political secretary Naguib Al-Kheir to the effect that they are weak and averse to national reconciliation. Opposition members of parliament said instead that the government reshuffle was simply an indication of the escalating crisis within the NCP. Kamal Omar, spokesman for the National Consensus Forces (NCF), said that the opposition had no intention of participating in elections held under the current regime, and that it would continue to challenge it and try to unseat it though a peaceful revolution. Sudanese Baath Party spokesman Mohamed Dia said that the NCP was the “real weak party” and not the opposition. The current divisions within the NCP signalled the beginning of its end, he said. Analysts say that the reshuffle, confined to government supporters, highlights the government's failure to co-opt any of the opposition's parties in ruling the country. Instead, the NCP, tired of going into alliances with politicians who may change tack at the first signs of popular discontent, seems to have decided to rely solely on its allies within the army and security apparatus. If anything, this is an indication that the regime is moving away from, and not closer to, the option of national reconciliation. Sudan's only chance of extricating itself from political and military turmoil now is to form an all-inclusive government that gives voice to all the political groups in the country. However, the recent reshuffle is an indication that this possibility is still remote.
