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The mullah's power game
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 08 - 05 - 2013

For over a month now, the Iranian regime has been concerned about the possible downfall of one of its most faithful allies, President Bashar Al-Assad in Syria.
One of Iran's key figures even went as far as saying that the fall of Damascus would be of far greater consequences to Iran than the fall of Ahvaz, a major city in south Iran. As clashes spread into central Damascus and as news came of an attempt on the life of the Syrian prime minister, the mullahs went into action.
So Iran is now throwing her full weight into the fighting in Syria. It is even said that the Iranian regime has already prepared some of its forces to fight in Syria in defence of Al-Assad's regime. The Quds Force, Ahl Al-Haq Brigades, the Iraq Hizbullah, the Lebanon Hizbullah, the Badr Organisation and the Ansar Al-Welayah (a special force specialised in assassinations) are all on the ready. So are units from Al-Qaeda that are backed by the Revolutionary Guard (connected to the Nusra Front), and members of Al-Qaeda who have the support of Iran, and the Islamic Action Movement.
The above groups are trained in urban warfare, bombings and assassinations. Their mission will be to carry out sectarian attacks and post the atrocities on the Internet, and also to abduct and kill foreign journalists and diplomats. The style of their operations will resemble those of Al-Qaeda.
The Nusra Front will play a major role in these operations, the aim of which is to let America and Europe know that if Al-Assad falls, terrorism will cross the Mediterranean and land on Europe's shores.
Iran also wants its adversaries to understand that if Al-Qaeda were allowed to control Syria, the security of Israel and Arab countries friendly to the United States would be in danger. And it wants to make it clear that the Nusra Front is a menace to other groups in the Syrian opposition, and that is willing to engage in terror attacks against all Syrian parties without distinction, in the same manner previously seen in Iraq.
To accelerate intervention in Syria, Iranian Intelligence Minister Heidar Moslehi arrived in Baghdad recently with instructions from Ali Khamenei's office to facilitate the passage of personnel and weapons into Syria.
Qassem Suleimani, the commander of the Quds Force, also went to Baghdad, where he met with Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki, Badr Organisation chief Hadi Al-Amiri, and Education Minister Ali Al-Adib. During the meeting, which was held in the home of Ibrahim Al-Jaafari, Suleimani briefed the Iraqi officials on the outcome of his recent talks with Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah. The latter had decided to send his fighters to support Al-Assad, especially in the city of Al-Quseir near Homs.
Suleimani told the Iraqis that there is an urgent need to set up secret camps to train new fighters under the supervision of the Quds Force and the Iranian intelligence. He suggested that the camps be set up on Ein Al-Tamr in the governorate of Karbala.
According to available information, the Quds Force has trained nearly 200 Al-Qaeda fighters, who are under the command of Abu Mahjub Al-Homsi. These fighters were sent to fight in Syria, with instructions to infiltrate the ranks of the Free Syrian Army.
Large numbers of the Al-Qaeda fighters deployed in various Syrian towns are working for the intelligence services of the Revolutionary Guard. Militants have been sent to Syria from Al-Qaeda-run training camps in the Kermanshah province of Iran.
Iran intends to use these Al-Qaeda fighters to wage terror attacks in Europe, hijack ships in the Mediterranean, and assassinate dissident Syrian officers who are fighting against Al-Assad's regime.
Should the Syrian revolution succeed, these fighters will be used to hijack the revolution and use it in Iran's favour.
According to available information, coordination is ongoing between the intelligence services of the Revolutionary Guard and those of Hizbullah. The latter has been active in recruiting extremist Palestinian Salafis in order to send them to Syria to fight on behalf of the regime.
The intelligence services of the Revolutionary Guard have been sending groups from its own operatives, and the security auxiliaries known as Basij, to Syria to fight alongside the Syrian defence battalions and the Fourth Armoured Division of Maher Al-Assad (Bashar's brother).
These groups, organised in units of 50 men each, arrive to Iraq disguised as members of tourist groups visiting the holy sites in Karbala and Najaf. From there, they are sent to Syria from the Najaf airport on Iraqi Airways flights.
Qassem Suleimani told the Iraqis that they needed to send administrators to the Iraqi embassy in Beirut to ensure the regular payment of the salaries of those militants sent by the Maliki government to fight in Syria.
Suleimani also conveyed to Iraqi officials special thanks from Iranian Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei to all the political parties that participate in the National Alliance of Ibrahim Al-Jaafari, for allowing the deployment of large numbers of the Revolutionary Guard and the Quds Forces in Baghdad, Diyala, Karbala, Najaf and other parts of the country.
Suleimani also instructed the Iraqi officials to start implementing the Iranian secret plan, which calls for detaining and assassinating preachers and religious and public figures in Al-Anbar, Ninawa, Salaheddin, Kirkuk, Diyala and Baghdad. As part of this plan, bombs will be planted in various Shia areas across Iraq, and the explosions will be used as a pretext to bomb Sunni-inhabited areas.
The most urgent Iranian request, however, was for Al-Maliki to instruct acting Defence Minister Sadoun Al-Duleimi to send militants, backed by aerial cover from gunships flown by Iranian and Iraqi pilots, to stamp out the protests in Al-Anbar, Ninawa, Salaheddin, Kirkuk, Diyala and Baghdad.
The Iranians suggested that Al-Maliki should call for early elections this year, and promised him every possible support. To boost Al-Maliki's fortunes, the Iranians plan to assassinate Al-Maliki's political foes, whether Sunni or Shia. Some may be framed to take the blame for terrorist attacks.
Qassem Suleimani asked Iraqi officials to allow Iranian intelligence services to run offices in Karbala and Najaf, from which Iran will hatch plans to destabilise Saudi Arabia.
In Iran, public executions have picked up pace just before the elections, in order to intimidate the public. Meanwhile, tensions between the key leaders in Iran are on the rise. On 27 April, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad warned Khamenei that his opponents must refrain from “creating problems and spreading suspicions”. Ahmadinejad had threatened to obstruct elections if his candidate for the presidency is blocked. To which threat, Khamenei replied that “arrangements for the elections are solid and the elections will be held on schedule.”
Ahmadinejad threatened Khamenei's followers more than once that he will “uncover their files” if his candidate is barred from elections. Recently he was quoted as saying this to his opponents: “If we uncover one piece of the files of any of you, you will have no place among the Iranian people.”
In a veiled reference to Khamenei, Ahmadinejad said: “some people think that they descended upon us from high above, and that everything they say should be done. But this is not true.”
Between 11 and 28 April, 40 prisoners were executed, including two women.
The members of Mujahideen-e Khalq who live under siege in Camp Liberty near Baghdad Airport were not spared this recent wave of murder.
On Monday, 29 April, Camp Liberty was attacked once again. More than 20 rockets landed close to the canal running south of the camp.
Since a previous attack on 9 February, the Iraqi government has not answered the request by Iranian dissidents to protect them from attacks. The dissidents and their families need cement blocks, protective helmets and medical equipment, but the Iraqi government is not offering any of the above.
The multi-pronged assault by the mullahs' regime is a show of force from a regime that is nearing its end. It is their fear of the future that has them take on their own people, meddle in neighbouring countries, and trying to intimidate the rest of the world.

The author is a Jordanian writer.


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