Two weeks ago, we took part in a fascinating experience in Alexandria. We gathered more than 50 young people to talk about the role of civil society in democratic transitions. ‘Dardasha Iskendarani' was attended by Youth from diverse social and political backgrounds, all of them committed to the future of their city and their country. The purpose of the meeting was twofold. First of all, to promote dialogue among the youth themselves focused on how to succeed in building a vibrant, plural and participatory civil society, an imperative task in any democratic process. Secondly, to promote an exchange between young Egyptians and Europeans who had a specific experience in transition from dictatorship, from Estonia, Poland, Turkey and Spain. It was about sharing experiences based and talking on mutual respect. And that is probably why it worked. For me, it was an incredible flash-back in time. Similar exercises came to mind from my years as a young student immersed in the transition to democracy in Spain; the same excitement, same feelings, and the same need of urgency. At that time we had meetings with Germans, French and Italians, teaching us about rights and duties under a democratic regime. Same exchanges, but in a truly different world context thirty years on, when democracy does not respond any more to a ‘one-size-fits-all' model and lessons for building better societies can be learnt also in the streets of Alexandria or in virtual communities with no physical and cultural boundaries. The first lesson we learnt from the Spanish experience is that civil society can be decisive in fixing the rhythms and scope of any democratic transition. The speed and depth of changes are, of course, the result of the balance of power between the political forces pushing for democracy and those trying to slow down the transition, and yet, in all cases, engagement of the society at large is essential for overcoming setbacks and going forward. It was particularly important in a country like Spain, where Franco, the dictator, died while in power, 36 years after having sparked and won a civil war through which more than half a million of Spaniards died. In the 70s, the aspiration of freedom had enough social support to make democracy inevitable, but not sufficient to make Franco step-down. Accepting this reality, many of those who had supported him adapted to the new winds of democracy, and the democratic camp accepted not to request responsibilities for four decades of repression. Different story, is it not? Does it tell us something useful for others? One lesson could be that the establishment of a democratic regime is always the result of a sort of pact between new and old forces. A deal which democratic substance depends on the political balance and moreover of the capacity of civil society to push forward . Nevertheless, not all the transitions to democracy concluded in that kind of ‘Spanish Pact'. History tells us that when the regime change is the result of a sweeping revolution, deals are not needed. But it tells also that this kind of extreme scenario does not lead, as a rule, to democratic regimes. From our experience, we also learnt that democracy is much more than voting for new institutions. It is more than electing the Parliament, the President or having a reliable government. The challenge of the civil society is building democracy from the bottom as the most effective way to bring its benefits into peoples' daily life. In Spain, extending democracy to the local and regional administration was crucial to overcome the setbacks which threatened the transition. Democracy was born in the Greek cities and it is in its capacity of contributing to solve the daily problems of people that it can make its inhabitants real citizens. After so many years without democratic practice, exercising democracy at the local level was – and still is - the best school of citizenship. A vibrant civil society built in the long fight for freedom irrupted into the transition as an influential force. As a social activist involved in this process I remember how powerful we felt, particularly the youth, but also how difficult it was adapting our role to the democratic context. The challenge was moving from a culture of protesting against repression and corruption, to a culture of constructive participation in building the democracy. In spite of the difficulties for developing such a new culture, we succeeded in building a strong, plural and active civil society which role was essential to build a strong democracy and to promote a feeling of ownership with the new regime among the citizens. Building a new relation between Democracy, Diversity and Dialogue was another of our major challenges. With the blossom of democracy, the Spanish society exhibited all its diversity. The historical regional identities repressed by the regime came into view, and new forms of diversity linked to the cultural and demographic transformations of the Spanish society appeared, affecting all the spheres of life. As it happens, diversity was perceived by some as a threat, but fortunately it was accepted by most of the society as a source of richness. The solution was first of all political, with the approval of a Constitution and a set of laws oriented to protect the rights of citizens and minorities and ensure social cohesion. Institutions played a central role in shaping a new legal and cultural environment where everybody can fell free in spite of its origin, age, gender, belief, culture or sexual orientation. But, once more, the civil society played a significant role in changing the culture of uniformity bent under the former regime. We learnt that within a free society, diversity emerges and a culture of dialogue matters much more than when there is no democracy. In a democratic context, unity cannot be conceived anymore against diversity. It must be compatible with. More than that: diversity must be valued as a social good, an asset for rethinking the foundation of national unity. Teaching and learning how to live together in open and plural societies is one of the prerequisites of democracy. Reforming the education system, ensuring freedom for cultural life and opening the media to the plurality which exists in the society where some of the tougher challenges of our transition. The black and white approach of the past did not work anymore. This is something we are still learning in Spain, 34 years after the opening of a democratic era, with the arrival in our country of hundreds of thousands of migrants, many of them from the other shore of the Mediterranean, which bring with them the diversity and the richness of their cultures and beliefs. With the spread of globalization, managing diversity has become one of the central issues of the 21st Century. Above all for democracies, because democracy makes ‘the other' visible, as a neighbour, and challenges our capacity of involving him in the city as a citizen. Reflecting on the lively debate we experienced during ‘Dardasha Eskendarani' on this and other topics, I can say that Alexandrian youth are very aware about the challenges of democratic transition in Egypt, and they are working to respond to these challenges with their own answers. Andreu Claret is the Executive Director of the Anna Lindh Foundation.
