Ex-President Hosni Mubarak refused to leave Egypt after he was ousted from power on February 11, 2011. Mubarak also refused to change his mind about his departure, although Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates prepared to give him a red carpet reception upon his arrival at the airport in Riyadh or Abu-Dhabi. Nor did the ex-president protest when he and his two sons were put in jail pending trial for a long list of disgraceful charges. It must be said that the prison was the safest place for Mubarak and his sons. Mubarak's stubborn determination to stay in his country, hear his charges and defend his history (being a war hero) should stir up so many questions: Being a veteran military man, did the ex-president co-suggest the script for post-Revolution development leading to June 30, which is widely regarded as the turning point in Egypt's history? Was Mubarak, who stayed in power for 30 years and piloted three wars, confident that the tide would rise against his successor, irrespective of his identity or background? Did Mubarak co-plan the roadmap of Egypt's future with Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi and the ex-chief of Intelligence Omar Suleiman? And what were the reasons behind Mubarak's stubbornness to stay and closely follow the development of these suggestions? In his farewell speech to the nation, Mubarak said that history alone would tell the truth about his ruling, his achievements and his sense of belonging to Egypt and its people. In August last year, I wrote an article in this corner, comparing the military-Islamists relationship to the endless cat-and-mouse (Tom and Jerry) adventures. Definitely, Egypt is now witnessing a new sequel to this game. Also, a good reading of several messages, which have been given by Mubarak, Tantawi, Suleiman – and Air Marshal Ahmed Shafiq (the staunch rival of President Mohamed Morsi in the presidential elections of May last year) in the past two years and since Mubarak stepped down, could show road signs for Egypt's future after the Muslim Brotherhood's (MB) year-long presidency. One of these messages was given by late Omar Suleiman, the ex-chief of Egyptian Intelligence and the most powerful man under Mubarak's regime for 20 years. Despite his bad health, Suleiman took everybody by surprise when he nominated himself for the presidency in April last year. Suleiman died on July 19 as he was undergoing a critical cardiac operation. The ex-chief of the Intelligence sparked with curiosity when he did not show any measure of enthusiasm or energy in his warming up for the presidential race. Rather, he deliberately submitted to the Presidential Elections Commission less than the required number of signed petitions by his voters than what was legally demanded to run in the presidential election. Despite unfounded and ridiculous allegations, which sought to associate Suleiman's nomination with the MB's, the ex-chief of the Intelligence must have been the bait on the military hook for the Muslim Brotherhood. The edgy army generals decided to set up the presidency trap after Islamists, capitalising on the religious sentiments and the nation's economic hardships, mobilised mass demonstrations, demanding their (the army generals') departure. Earlier in the day, the MB gave its word to everybody that it would play a fair game and share power with co-champions of the January Revolution. The MB confirmed that it had no interest in power for the forthcoming four years. Not content with their emphasis to the public in this regard, the MB's big men whispered in the ears of the edgy army generals that none of them were sprucing themselves up for the presidency and decorating his chest with power trappings. Later in the day, the MB acted otherwise; the organisation fielded its most powerful man, Khairat el-Shatter, for the presidency. After el-Shatter was ousted from the race for constitutional reasons, Mohamed Morsi, the stand-in, stepped forward (he was sworn-in as Egypt's President on June 30 last year). Backed by the tamed Salafists, the former assassins (Jamaa Islamiya) of late president Anwar el-Sadat and Al-Jihad militant group, the MB warned of a blood bath if its candidate lost the presidential race. Dazed by an easily won popularity in a nation traumatised by the chaotic aftermath of the Revolution, the MB crawled into the trap, snatched the military bait and has finally been caught with its pants down. A series of economic, political, social and security setbacks coupled with miserable foreign policies convinced the disappointed nation that the MB's sofa does not fit in with the presidential palace. The MB ignored an important message given by Field Marshal Tantawi, the ex-head of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), on July 16 and almost 15 days after President Morsi was sworn-in. Tantawi bluntly warned that the military would not allow a certain group (the Islamists) to rule Egypt unilaterally. Almost a month later, Tantawi, together with his chief of staff, Gen Sami Annan, was retired. Will Tantawi's warning be fulfilled on June 30?
