It is difficult to seek stability in light of sharp divisions on the constitution; therefore we must make one last pitch to reach the consensus necessary for stability. Even though a date has been set for the referendum, the date can be postponed if (...)
Stability remains the aspiration of all Egyptians nearly two years after the January 25 Revolution, but this will not be easy anytime soon because they don't desire just any form of stability — they at least don't want to reproduce the stability (...)
There are only two ways for Egypt's political opposition to attain power. They can either close ranks and work diligently on convincing the electorate that they are a better alternative to the current leadership, irrespective of the latter's (...)
Every military or security action has a specific timeframe and deadline, whether long or short. Political and social action, on the other hand, is open-ended.
Therefore, it is unrealistic to rely on a military or security operation to solve a (...)
Almost everything has changed in Egypt and the world over the past six decades that separate the two revolutions of 23 July 1952 and 25 January 2011. Egypt's political, social, economic, cultural scenes, and all other fronts, have changed, and the (...)
It is interesting to compare the currentrelationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) with the doomed inclusion of the Brotherhood in the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) in 1952-1954.
The (...)
The majority of Egyptians have never been more interested in politics than they are today. If this is the only accomplishment of the January 25 Revolution then it is plenty.
It is important for those who made, participated in and supported this (...)
The correlation between shuttering the doors of reform and opening the road to revolution is a logical, rather than perfunctory, one because when reform is impossible within a corrupt political and social system, revolution is the solution. But this (...)
A strong bond links the revolutions of 25 January 2011 and 23 July 1952, and joins them to the 9 March 1919 Revolution. They are all phases of the Egyptian democratic national revolution that is rooted in the Orabi Revolution. Accordingly, the 25 (...)
A historic mission awaits Egypt's new president who will be chosen by the Egyptian people in a few months, in the first ever free presidential elections if all proceeds along the path laid out by the January 25 Revolution.
This revolution (...)
The phenomenon can be seen in countries across the world, be they Muslim, Christian, Hindu or other. Countless studies have examined the trend, the most recent of which was published in the current issue of Foreign Affairs magazine. Among the (...)
The crisis at Al-Dostour has cast a spotlight on the relationship between newspaper ownership and editorial freedom. Though not a new issue, this time it is being raised in the midst of a severe crisis that occurred only a few weeks after the (...)
When President Hosni Mubarak asked the parliament to amend the Egyptian constitution in February 2005 to allow multi-candidate presidential elections rather than holding a referendum on one candidate, it appeared that the winds of democratic change (...)
A considerable effort and little return; this is the summary of the ruling National Democratic Party's (NDP) annual conference, which ended yesterday.
This is not the first conference for which some NDP leaders exert great effort in preparation. (...)
A mix of confusion and indifference was the main characteristic of the Egyptian government s handling of the global financial crisis before Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak s meeting with economic ministers and the Central Bank governor.
Some of (...)
If Karl Marx were resurrected and visited Egypt he would have reconsidered many aspects of his theory. Marx witnessed one of the most important stages of European capitalism in the 19th century. That stage was characterized by a high degree of (...)
We cannot attribute the negative portrayal of Egypt, whether locally or internationally, to lack of understanding. It is illogical to assume that most of the Egyptians, and those who write about Egypt in Western media, are mistaken while a handful (...)
The arrest of construction magnate Hisham Talaat Moustafa has a number of implications that go beyond the murder of Lebanese singer Suzanne Tamim, whom Moustafa is charged with conspiring to kill. The accused is not just a prominent businessman, but (...)
There are many differences between the fire that destroyed the Egyptian Shoura Council (Upper House of Parliament) building and the famous Cairo Fire on January 26, 1952. Besides the fact that the latter was not set by someone unlike the former, the (...)
Whenever Ramadan approaches government agencies suddenly become concerned with markets, goods and services. This is a feature of the patriarchal state which the Egyptian regime is unwilling to admit has actually ended a few years ago.
The purpose (...)
The judge who acquitted the defendants in the case of Al-Salam 98 ferry is as innocent as the victims of the sinking ship, their families and all those who were expecting a just verdict.
The verdict was shocking and has fueled sentiments of deep (...)
Impenetrable barriers separate the richest Egyptians from the rest of society.
They are real walls of cement and iron, not just symbolic walls describing class structures figuratively.
The wealthiest class is increasingly becoming alienated (...)
One does not need to be a scientist or a philosopher to discover that the social conflict in Egypt has reached an unprecedented peak since the formation of the modern social order during the 19th century. Yet it may be noted that some aspects of (...)
Egyptians believe that the head of state holds the reins and takes control of everything in the country. This belief is popular among the political and cultural elite, or the overwhelming majority, and among the rank and file as well.
Almost (...)
Many people did not notice that for the first time two opposition campaigns against the government s policies and projects achieved varying levels of success at the same time.
The campaign against the establishment of a large petrochemicals plant (...)