The Palestinian Fatah movement will hold a general congress in March, or so one man says, reports Khaled Amayreh from Ramallah Fatah, the largest Palestinian political movement and the mainstream faction of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), is planning to hold its sixth general congress in March. The last congress was held 18 years ago outside Palestine, before the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Then, late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat dominated Fatah with his charismatic character and near absolute powers. Fatah, which is often viewed as a "supermarket of ideas", is already beset by internal disagreements, contradictions and competing camps, which many observers contend will eventually lead to the postponement or even cancellation of the long-awaited congress. The congress is viewed as a key occasion since it will elect the local, regional and national leadership of the Fatah movement, including members of the Revolutionary Council, the more powerful Central Council, and Fatah's representatives in the PLO Executive Committee -- ostensibly the highest Palestinian decision- making body. The person in charge of preparations for the Fatah congress is Ahmed Qurei, former Palestinian prime minister and speaker of the Palestinian Legislative Council. Currently, Qurei is head of Palestinian negotiations team and is devoting much time to ensuring that the congress be convened smoothly and on time, if only to forestall further disillusionment among Fatah's rank and file. Qurei has been holding meetings with Fatah's regional leaders and heads of "mobilisation and organisation" all over the West Bank. This week, he told disenchanted Fatah leaders at the grassroots level that the "congress is already a tangible reality that none can ignore or evade." Qurei also assured Fatah leaders that "there will be no foul-play, no vote-rigging and no circumvention around the free will of our great movement." Not everyone in Fatah agrees to give Qurei the benefit of the doubt. During recent weeks, a number of Fatah leaders have urged the movement to "put its house in order" before holding the general congress in Ramallah. Moreover, some Fatah "old- timers," worried that they may well be voted out by the congress, are opposed to holding the congress "under the current circumstances". Sceptics cite the rift with Gaza and the limited ability of tens of thousands of Fatah members abroad to make their voices heard at the congress, slated to be held in Ramallah under the full brunt of Israeli occupation. The "reluctant veterans" also cite the "delicate circumstances" pertaining to peace talks with Israel, arguing that it would be inexpedient and detrimental to the Palestinian cause to hold the congress and take far-reaching decisions under present circumstances. Younger Fatah leaders dismiss such arguments as "mere excuses and pretexts" for the old guard to remain in their positions forever. One of these is Mohamed Madani, a member of Fatah's Revolutionary Council. "I can't understand these arguments," Madani lashed out. "Hasn't the passage of 18 years been enough to put the Fatah house in order? Besides, what do they exactly mean by the wrong timing? And who says wrong timing justifies cancelling the general congress? Do we have to wait until Israel removes all the checkpoints and roadblocks in the West Bank? Do we have to await the resurrection of Yasser Arafat?" For Qurei's assurances that Fatah's congress will be held on 21 March 2008 to be realised, various Fatah camps have first to agree on the composition of delegates to the conference -- who has and doesn't have the right to participate and vote. This is a sensitive for two reasons. First, most Fatah members don't pay membership fees, which means that tens of thousands of nominal members can't prove their membership. Second, there are thousands of "independents" that are considered de facto but not formal Fatah members -- many of them experienced professionals and technocrats. Also in contention is the balance between "experience" and "popularity". Most of Fatah's potential new leaders lack experience and qualifications. This situation is contrasted with that of the old guard that has experience but lacks popularity. If a truly democratic congress were held many could lose their current positions. There is another potential issue that may prove unsettling for Fatah's national leadership. Some observers in the occupied territories think that if all goes well, Fatah is likely to elect an "extremist" breed of leaders who may not be acceptable to Israel and the US. The would-be leadership might adopt uncompromising positions with regard to Palestinian national constants -- especially the issues of Jerusalem and the Palestinian refugee right of return. In this scenario, talks between Israel and the PA might fall victim to the upcoming congress. Some veteran Fatah leaders, such as Nabil Shaath, who is now acting as extraordinary PA representative in Egypt, have suggested a compromise whereby two processes are mixed at the congress: an election process and a selection process. The election process would meet Fatah's democratic expectations. The selection process would work to retain the valuable experience of Fatah's veteran leaders. Will the movement accept such a compromise?
