Cometh the Muscovite hour, cometh the man from the southern shores of the Mediterranean, deliberates Gamal Nkrumah Semantics matter less than common sense and perspective. Russia's quest for relevance matches Libya's own struggle for pertinence in the international arena. The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi's four-day visit to Russia was not an instantaneous and frenzied reaction to what he so loudly referred to as Western imperialism. He pitched his tent in the heart of the Russian capital -- in the grounds of the Kremlin. He did so for a purpose. It was a calculated gesture on his part. Any successful summit meeting should be timely, targeted and ideally contain credible plans for a long-term stable working relationship. The success of the trip demonstrates the brilliance of the eccentric nomadic genius. Gaddafi's veneration for spurious detail astounded his Russian hosts. What mattered to him, as much as to them, was his dogged determination to make his mark on the world stage. And, he did. Russian President Dmitri Medvedev, by endorsing a major gas exploration deal between Gazprom and Libya, was resolute in trying to boost Russian-Libyan relations. The Libyans find it far easier to deal with the Russian state energy company than with Western transnational oil corporations. A Russian pact with Libya should ensure the lights stay on, but not quite yet. The full benefits that should accrue to both nations will take some time to manifest themselves. The first fruits, however, are symbolically significant. One message emanating from the Kremlin has been the complete implosion of the global hegemony of the US. Russia is in a rhapsodic mood. It thrashed Georgia, and gave its tiny albeit insolent southern neighbour a good rap on the knuckles. Moreover, Moscow is seeking a naval base in the Caribbean (Hugo Chavez's Venezuela to be precise), has engaged in naval exercises with Venezuela, and is now seeking a naval presence in the Mediterranean. The Syrians have offered their services at the former Soviet naval base Tartus. And, now the Libyans are jumping on the Russian bandwagon. There is a clear and urgent need for concrete steps to shore up confidence -- and capital -- in Libya's relations with the West's nemesis. The Libyans cannot spend their way out of defunct friendships. Both the Libyan government and its Russian hosts stand firm on redirecting themselves towards success and away from failure. Unlike Iraq, Libya adamantly refused to hang itself with American rope. In this fast changing world, Russia and Libya need each other as never before. Moscow is painfully aware that if it wants to move up the prestige chain of international politics, it must do business with countries like Libya. It is impossible to forecast how significant Gaddafi's Russian visit would prove to be. The immediate focus, which has been dominated by the prospects of a Russian naval presence in Libyan territorial waters, looks daunting enough. Yet, there are also longer-term challenges, worth stressing if only because they have been so ignored in the past decade. The long spell of prosperity since Libya resumed diplomatic ties with the West has suffused the Gaddafi regime with sufficient confidence to forge closer relations with Russia. Gaddafi, after all, was never one to make do with the wearisome monotony of the humdrum norm. Russia offers exciting opportunities. It also provides Libya with some political leverage over the West. Last month's historic visit by United States Foreign Minister Condoleezza Rice to Libya was an unprecedented show of public rapprochement when the highest-ranking US official was feted in the Libyan capital Tripoli, a country not so long ago regarded as a pariah state by the West. The undercurrent, however, was far from agreeable as observers believe that it was merely courteous. Libya had just been forced to pay $1.5 billion in compensation for its embroilment in the 1988 Lockerbie affair when an American jetliner exploded in midair killing all 270 passengers and crew aboard. Meanwhile, his temperament, always perhaps his weak spot, was not found wanting either in Moscow or in Minsk. Even in Kiev, Gaddafi was on his best behaviour. Nothing much at all happened there. The Ukrainians are in a tizzy at the moment and until they sort out their political problems they are in no position to sign any deals with the Libyans. Most of the hoopla about him has been about his anti-imperialist posturing. The Russians currently find his stance not only most reassuring, but beneficially convenient. Indeed, Libya signed a nuclear deal with Russia which left the West aghast. Russia's overtures were reciprocated when Al-Baghdadi Al-Mahmoudi, secretary-general of Libya's Peoples Congress (parliament), visited Moscow and signed even more lucrative deals with the Russians. The desire of most Russians to extricate themselves from endless conflict is shared by the Libyans. Bilateral trade -- $250 billion last year -- is far less than it could be. Gaddafi met Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Libya in April and Putin agreed to write off Libya's $4.6 billion debt on condition that Libya signs an arms deal with Moscow. Russia promptly signed weapons contracts worth some $2 billion. Russia would also like to see Libya enlist in the new Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF). The forum doesn't have fixed membership structure; however, Algeria, Bolivia, Brunei, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nigeria, Qatar, Russia, Trinidad & Tobago, the UAE and Venezuela could be identified as current members. Turkmenistan, Bolivia, Indonesia, Libya and Oman have participated at different ministerial meetings. Libya is toying with the idea of offering naval facilities, even a permanent naval base for the Russian Mediterranean fleet in its second city Benghazi. Not surprisingly, the prospects of establishing such a base aroused Western suspicions and fears. Adding Benghazi to Tartus and Sevastopol and a possible pair of Caribbean outposts would send Western schemers off the deep end.
