Syrian politicians are trying to reclaim their regional clout, but are not doing enough to rally the Arab world, says Bassel Oudat from Damascus Everything Bashar Al-Assad said during the Qatar summit (now referred to only as a consultative meeting) suggests that he wanted to claim a place in the big league of Arab politics, especially the conflict with Israel. His quest was at least partly rewarded. Pro-Syrian Palestinian figures -- Khaled Mashaal of Hamas, Radwan Shalah of Islamic Jihad and Ahmed Jebril of the Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command -- were allowed to attend. Mashaal even delivered a speech defining the policy of all groups opposed to the Palestinian Authority. Furthermore, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was invited to the gathering, a sign that at least some Arab countries endorsed the Syrian view that Iran is a good neighbour. And Damascus was pleased to see the gathering recommend the severing of all relations with Israel, a slap in the face of some of Syria's detractors in the region. Elated by the presence of supporters on all sides, the Syrian president declared that there should be no "giving in, going easy, giving up, or letting down," in the conflict with Israel. Dismissing the Arab initiative as "practically dead", the Syrian leader urged an "eye for an eye" approach to Israel, reiterating what was once a popular hardline mantra: "What was taken away by force cannot be restored except by force." The tough talk contrasts somewhat with Syria's declared policy. Only a few days earlier, the Syrian president told Der Spiegel that his country was "willing to cooperate with President-elect Barack Obama in achieving peace." Urging Obama to engage in an earnest quest for Middle East peace, Al-Assad told the German publication that "we would be glad to help bring back stability to the region." Syria became a key regional player when its army went into Lebanon in summer 1976. The political disintegration of Lebanon gave Syria a shot at regional visibility it hadn't had since Umayyad times. But the late president Hafez Al-Assad, even when throwing a bit of weight around, stopped short of antagonising major Arab governments. When the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) left Lebanon for Tunisia, Syria started losing its leverage on Palestinian affairs. Soon afterward, Arafat made it clear that only the Palestinians should make their own decisions. When the US occupied Iraq, Syria sided initially with the Iraqi resistance. But when the US administration and some Iraqi officials accused Damascus of interfering in Iraqi affairs and allowing would-be guerrillas to slip through its borders into Iraq, the Syrians backed down, although still entertaining the hope of having some role in that country in the future. In Lebanon, Syrian influence foundered after the assassination of prime minister Rafik Al-Hariri. Once the Syrians had to pull out their troops from Lebanon, their role in Lebanese politics dwindled rapidly. As Syrian relations with the US, the EU and several Arab countries deteriorated, Iran began making its presence felt in regional politics. Iran's devil-may-care politics got Damascus in trouble, as more than one Arab regime started asking the Syrians to distance themselves from Tehran. In an attempt to hold on to its last vestiges of regional power, Damascus embraced all Palestinian groups that oppose the Oslo Accords as well as Lebanon's Hizbullah. In doing so, Syria antagonised more than one major Arab country. As a sense of isolation enveloped Damascus, Syrian politicians started courting friends from outside the region. For example, Syria made repeated overtures to the EU and the US over the past five years. But Damascus failed to make similar overtures to major Arab countries. Some Syrian commentators find this puzzling. "What is the use of promoting relations with non-Arab outsiders, however powerful, without Arab solidarity to back your position? Syria needs Arab solidarity, and should make the necessary sacrifices if asked to," a Syrian analyst, speaking on condition of anonymity, said. In September, Al-Assad met in Damascus with French President Nicolas Sarkozy, Qatari Emir Hamad Bin Khalifa Al-Thani and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Syrian officials hailed the meeting as "extraordinary" and Syrian media claimed that Al-Assad became a "key player" in the region. Some say that the Syrian regime is obsessed with matching the status Hafez Al-Assad once had in the Arab world. "The Syrian leadership believes that it cannot stay in power without being regionally powerful," a member of the Syrian opposition said. Meanwhile, the US, Israel and Europe claim to have no intention of trying to undermine the current Syrian regime. They only want the regime to change its ways. So far, it doesn't seem that the Syrians are convinced of their lack of animosity. Political analyst Said Moqbel believes that Syria cannot move forward without having the Arabs, especially major governments, on its side. "If the second half of the 20th century teaches us anything, it is that no Arab country can be regionally influential without regional backing... But it seems that Syrian politicians think they can play in the big league while ignoring major Arab countries." Syrian officials seem to believe that they can be mavericks and key players at the same time.
