Gamal Nkrumah on the man who brought imperialism to its knees. After Sunday's Venezuelan referendum they'll never nobble his continent again Just as simplicity sells a game show, so complexity is the kiss of death. Multi-party democracy is perhaps the greatest game show ever invented. Socialism is much more complex, especially when it's in the making. Weighing up the relative merits of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and his opposition is an easy task as far as the masses in the resource-rich South American nation are concerned. Oddly enough for a populist leader who has been in power since 1998, re-elected in 2000 and 2006, enthusiasm for the right-wing Venezuelan opposition is less fulsome than might be expected. The pro-West opposition has consistently subverted his Bolivarian revolution, even though it has inspired less controversy than their leftist rival. Sunday's referendum was a watershed. Condemnation for the referendum could not have come thicker or faster, both at home and abroad. Regime change, however, could never reverberate positively in Venezuela. Certainly, not at this historical juncture. Much of the country has delighted in the images, splashed across the front pages of local dailies, of a triumphant Chavez in victory pose. His oil-funded healthcare and educational programmes have endeared him to the underdog in his own country. A margin of one million voters supported the constitutional changes he called for in Sunday's referendum. As any aficionado of Chavez knows, this is high time for something better in Venezuela. And, that entails promulgating measures that violate the 1999 constitution, The sceptical minority that sees no difference between Cuba's Fidel Castro and their own Chavez are fighting a losing battle. The hopeful majority that believes that Chavez can deliver is prepared to endorse their charismatic leader despite his shortcomings: rising crime, galloping inflation, shortages. There remains a strong underlying desire, in a continent that had come to despair of ever breaking from the stranglehold of Washington, to trust in Chavez. The lukewarm feelings for the right-wing opposition to Chavez partly reflect the burgeoning over the past decade of faith in a leftist alternative that is capable of uplifting the toiling masses of South America. The general cynicism towards the United States in the continent is palpably still on the rise. Sunday's referendum was a resounding victory for Chavez and his supporters. The government of Venezuela is no longer obliged to pander to the US. The bid by Chavez to eliminate term limits propels the pace forward towards cementing his socialist revolution, named after the 19th century liberator of Latin America Simón Bol�var. The Bolivarian Revolution of Chavez shows no sign of losing its way. "Those who voted yes today, voted for socialism, voted for Revolution," Chavez told his rhapsodic supporters. They include the urban and rural poor. They are overwhelming people of colour -- native American, mixed race and those of African origin. His detractors are predominantly white and middle class. There is, nevertheless, a growing conviction among his admirers that the people can trump the widely loathed policies of the US and Washington's hangers- on in South America and the Caribbean. Indeed, from his sickbed in the Cuban capital Havana, the mentor of Chavez, Fidel Castro, proudly pronounced the triumph of his disciple Chavez as "impossible to measure". The goodwill flows both ways. Several South and Central American leftist leaders were quick to congratulate their Venezuelan counterpart. Presidents Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua, Rafael Correa of Ecuador and Evo Morales of Bolivia applauded the result of the Venezuelan referendum. Voter turnout was an impressive 67 per cent, with 55 per cent of the electorate voting "yes" for Chavez. However, 45 per cent of the voters rejected the right of elected officials to end their term limits. "In 2012 there will be presidential elections, and unless God decides otherwise, unless the people decide otherwise, this soldier is already a candidate," declared Chavez triumphantly. The Bolivarian Revolution of Chavez has exulted the position of women in Venezuelan society and there has been a marked participation of women in the decision-making process. Of the five main pillars of democracy, four are held by women. The National Electoral Council Chief Tibisay Lucena is among the most powerful women in Venezuela. She is a guardian of the democratic process. Not the democracy of the oligarchs as Venezuelan National Assembly Deputy Jose Javier Arrue extrapolated, but the democracy of the disadvantaged. Latin America is no longer dismissed as the backyard of the US. The continent is replete with vibrant democracies where socialist leaders emerge. It is perhaps the only continent where socialism is not a dirty word. Quarrels are swirling around the judiciary. The judges of yesteryear were pawns in the hands of the rich and powerful. Today, the judiciary is independent and, moreover, another woman, Luisa Estelle Morales, heads it. Speaker Celia Flores, likewise, heads the Legislature. And, Gabriella Ramirez is the human rights defender. However, Venezuela has not escaped the global financial crisis unscathed. The price of crude oil has plummeted from $134 a barrel in July 2008 to $40 today. Filling a car with petrol is a lot cheaper than a year ago. As the dust settles on a memorable day of a historic referendum, the Venezuelan opposition has nothing over which to rejoice. "After 500 years of Spanish colonialism followed by American-style representative democracy, the ruling clique wasn't responding to the need of the people. They were serving the interests of foreign multinationals and their lackeys the local oligarchy. They connived to steal the wealth of the country," Arrue told Al-Ahram Weekly. Arrue was on a tour of the Arab region to drum up support for Chavez and the Bolivarian Revolution. He recounted the reasons behind his embracing the revolution. "Illiteracy was abominably high for the country with the richest per capita in South America," he explained. "Venezuela didn't have any foreign currency reserves, less than $10 billion, and over 80 per cent of the Venezuelan people lived in abject poverty. Where was the wealth of the people? It was stolen by the oligarchy," Arrue explained. Venezuela is currently estimated to have some $42 billion in savings. "We've taken measures to recover Venezuelan sovereignty. We've recovered our oil," Arrue said noting that the oil in Venezuela's Orinoco Strip is considered the richest deposit of heavy oil in the world. Venezuela was previously the fourth largest oil supplier to the US after Canada, Mexico and Saudi Arabia. Today, Venezuela exports its oil to neighbouring countries, many impoverished fuel-short South American countries and Caribbean island-nations at cut-rate prices. Venezuela even delivers heating oil to poor families in the US at prices far below the market cost. Like charity, however, the battle against injustice and corruption begins at home. It is such gestures that have endeared Chavez to the underprivileged across the globe, and not just in his native South America. Indeed, Venezuela cut off diplomatic relations with Israel over the latter's barbarous assault on Gaza. Analysts say the key to understanding Venezuelan elation lies in the country's extreme disparities in wealth, especially land ownership. "We must revise everything we have done in previous years; we have to start rectifying, adjusting, strengthening. If we reinforce what we have already done, then starting next year we will be in a much better position to open new horizons," a victorious Chavez thundered. The opposition hit back. "It was David against Goliath, and Goliath won," Leopoldo Lopez, former mayor of the Chaco municipality of the Venezuelan capital Caracas (2000-2008). Lopez, a Harvard graduate and a chief opposition leader, derided Chavez for attempting to be president-for-life. Whether through pride, relief or a sense of triumph, the Venezuelan people want to keep Chavez at the helm for he is their David. After years in which Venezuela was ridden by self-doubt and lurched from political setback to factional infighting to diplomatic stalemate with its powerful neighbour Columbia, it is finally finding its feet. "Before 1998, democracy meant choosing between 'I steal now, you steal next.' The ruling families took turns emptying state coffers." The referendum dealt a heavy psychological blow to the opposition. The burning question for the success of the Chavez revolution now is how to prevent this hiatus from destroying the social fabric of his nation. Venezuela must contend with the presumably more benign face of Washington personified by United States President Barack Obama. Arrue doesn't mince his words. "I have four questions for Obama. First, is he going to wrestle with the military- industrial complex which has to make war in order to sell its products? Second, is he going to close US bases around the world? Third, are the US fleets going to return to US territorial waters and not used against other peoples? And finally, will he face down the bankers who are stealing the resources of the poor through their machinations?" He paused, winked knowingly and bellowed, "I suspect that the answers to these four questions are: No, No, No and No." We both laughed uproariously. Genius, fantasist, revolutionary or dictator? Chavez has emerged as an iconic, even Messianic cult figure. Venezuelan people are saying "We like it this way." Sunday's referendum made that abundantly clear. Chavez's triumph hopes spark a surge of optimism in Venezuela and throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Be that as it may, there are many in Venezuela who have turned violently against Chavez. Oil prices have plunged from almost $150 a barrel to less than $50. This is bad news for Venezuela, but the struggle to achieve socialism continues unabated. The referendum has enhanced the president's je ne sais quoi. The strengthening warmth between the Latin American circle of left-wing leaders is a source of inspiration to people in the underdeveloped and developing countries Africa, Asia and elsewhere. He's been compared to Cuba's Fidel Castro, but this week Chavez trumped his mentor by winning a referendum that was declared free and fair by outside observers. Chavez speaks truth to the powers that be. His is the voice of the voiceless. And, in spite of all the pretences of multi-party pluralism telling the truth required a great deal of courage in the US and other Western democracies. Voicing dissent is sharply controlled on the pretext of fighting international terrorism, for instance. The dissenters often face fearful consequences. It is a bit too easy for people in the West to deplore Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution. Chavez arose from an all too familiar confluence: neo-colonialism and an exceptionally well-endowed country. His personal courage was well above the ordinary and he soon found a receptive audience not only in his native Venezuela, but also throughout South America and the Caribbean. His rule often seems the epitome of revolution. Whatever the problems ahead, the Venezuelan leader is determined to overcome the hurdles. To his detractors, Chavez is at best a brilliant tyrant. To his supporters he is something of a saint. He is something of a flamboyant talent who burst on the Venezuelan political scene in the 1990s and soon became a legend. The Venezuelan opposition is, however, in disarray. It is not that their voices are finding it harder to be heard, rather that fewer Venezuelans are interested to hear what they have to say. His aphorisms -- anti-capitalist an anti-globalisation -- incurred the wrath of America. "I hereby accuse the North American empire of being the biggest menace to our planet," Chavez declared. "We must confront the privileged elite who have destroyed a large part of the world." Venezuela eagerly hypnotised itself. Chavez rails against the social and economic inequalities and the iniquities inherent in the countries of Latin America. His mission is to eliminate illiteracy, malnutrition, hunger and destitution. Unlike his political rivals, he has also turned himself into a messianic icon. If you have any charm, ooze it. And, Chavez does that in abundance. His supporters in scarlet t-shirts and crimson blazers are devoted followers of the revolution. It is unlikely that the proceedings will dampen their zeal. So would sound, transparent and accountable public administration. Chavez remains a forbiddingly powerful president. The predicament of the opposition to Chavez provoked widespread debate in South America and the Caribbean. Despite Western condemnation, the referendum results have banished Venezuelans' lingering self-doubt. However, alarm bells really began to ring with the playful declaration by Chavez that he would stand for office again and again. "Why are our leaders not rewarded for the good they do? Why change for change's sake?" Arrue asks with a shrug of the shoulders. Officials and analysts say the degree of Venezuelans' national unity and sense of common purpose has surprised them. As it happened the Venezuelan anti-Chavez opposition turned out to be sufficiently deterred not to open a second front -- the opposition reluctantly conceded that Chavez has been vindicated. There is a sense of radical disconnects among the fractured Venezuelan opposition groups. Moral perceptions digress from one opposition party to another. Only hatred of Chavez unites them. For the time being, the lesson that Venezuelans take away from the 15 February referendum is that being popular is always preferable to being a loser, and a bad one at that. To them and their ilk elsewhere, Arrue has only one rebuttal: "Let's get serious."
