Islamist forces are uniting in pursuit of power, writes Amani Maged Islamist movements are hunkering down to talks despite the ideological and doctrinal differences which have frequently driven them to clash in the past. Groups that were once at each others' throats, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis, are now joining forces in informal alliances in an attempt to build a united front against secularists and secure more seats in the next parliamentary elections. Their representatives are to be found in a number of overlapping associations, including the Islamic Law Organisation for Rights and Reform, the Coalition of Islamic Forces, the Shura Council of the Ulema and Islamists for Egypt. The first of these groups comprises more than 100 Islamic scholars drawn from a wide range of Islamist trends. The most immediate challenge facing these coalitions is the bill of constitutional principles that the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has announced will be drawn up ahead of any new constitution. Islamists fear the bill is an attempt to limit the freedom of the new assembly -- which they expect to dominate -- to draft a constitution. They argue that proposals to name the army as the guardian of the constitution in any bill of rights gives the army a political role above the executive and legislative authorities and will allow it to intervene in executive and legislative affairs. Yasser Barhami, a Salafi leader, voiced the opinion of his fellow Salafis when he said: "Nothing is above the constitution except the word of almighty God." As part of the campaign to mobilise against the SCAF bill, the Islamic Law Organisation for Rights and Reform invited Islamist forces and movements to meet to discuss the "challenges facing the Egyptian people". Participants in the discussion opposed the notion of any document being issued containing supra-constitutional principles on the grounds that it curtailed the will of the Egyptian people. They also registered their opposition to the new cabinet which contains liberals, leftists and former NDP members. They agreed that it was necessary to meet popular demands for just and speedy trials of those responsible for killing demonstrators and urged the SCAF to amend the current "inverted" situation by taking on board the opinion of Islamist and national trends in proportion to their size and role in the Egyptian street. The Islamists gave the SCAF a grace period but warned that non-compliance would mean they would summon the Egyptian people to Tahrir Square on 29 July for a "truly millions-strong demonstration in the defence of legitimacy, identity and the gains of the Egyptian revolution". The Islamic Law Organisation for Rights and Reform, Salafist Calling (the largest Salafist movement in the country), the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya, and the Front for the People's Will all agreed to participate in the demonstration despite the first three groups earlier saying they would give SCAF until the end of the month to comply with their demands. It is unclear why the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis have drawn so close since the referendum on constitutional amendments in March. Their relationship has been fraught with difficulties in the past. The Salafis view the Muslim Brotherhood as disinterested in theological matters, devoted more to politics than religion, and given to partisan allegiances. The MB criticises the Salafis for being too deferential to those in power, unwilling to criticise, advise or disobey authority. It has accused Salafi leaders of tailoring their religious pronouncements to the authorities, pointing to the Salafi fatwas prohibiting participation in the 25 January Revolution demonstrations, and hinting at opportunism given the Salafis' current willingness to take to the streets. This rivalry may help explain why, as political Islam expert Hossam Tammam puts it, in the battle of identity the Muslim Brotherhood is positioning itself as the defender of Islam and Sharia when neither Islam nor Sharia law are under threat. The emerging Brotherhood-Salafi alliance appears to have developed spontaneously, not as a result of planning but of the convergence of circumstances, opportunities and certain ideas. On the one hand, the Muslim Brothers suddenly discovered a huge Salafi reservoir. The Salafist movement is strong, widespread and politically inexperienced. It is a potential political resource well worth tapping, which is precisely what the Muslim Brothers are doing now. And what could be a better tool than the battle for identity and the defence of Islam and Sharia to persuade Salafis that what they have in common with the Muslim Brothers is greater than what divides them? Salafis, in turn, appear to regard the MB as an appropriate vehicle to promote their own agenda. Many Muslim Brothers, particularly those in the middle ranks of the organisation, appear to have been drawing closer to the Salafis for some time. Muslim Brothers, says Tammam, now find themselves in the same boat with the Salafis. They want to escape any democratic transformation of their organisation. Increasingly, he argues, the Brotherhood perceives democracy as a threat and in response is shifting to a more adversarial position. The coalition of Islamist trends -- especially the Muslim Brothers and Salafis, past enemies who have become new friends -- will reshape Egypt's political and social equations. Exactly how, and to what extent, will become clear on Friday.
