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Arab Press: Same demands, different results
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 17 - 03 - 2011

Doaa El-Bey looks at the outcome of protests in Egypt and other Arab states
Arab Press: Same demands, different results
Doaa El-Bey looks at the outcome of protests in Egypt and other Arab states
The protests in the Palestinian territories, Libya, Bahrain and Yemen all call for a change in regime. The Palestinian attempt to launch protests in the occupied territories and refugee camps was hailed by many writers this week. The editorial of the United Arab Emirates daily Al-Bayan said that the political changes in the region, similar to an earthquake, had inspired the Palestinians to call for protests. The Palestinians urged all political groups and factions, including Fatah and Hamas, to give up their sectarianism and take to the streets on 15 March wearing the colours of the Palestinian flag and working together to protect their national project and the blood that their martyrs shed. The edit described the call as enthusiastic, coming from strong people who never gave up on their cause in spite of the frustrations. Now is the time for the Palestinians to see a better situation and better preparation for the coming phase, it added.
The edit debated the best way to deal with the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi's continuing attacks on civilians. While some have reservations on international intervention, others call on the UN to impose an air embargo on Libya to protect civilians. Tareq Al-Homayed hailed the Arab League decision to call on the UN Security Council to impose an immediate air embargo on Gaddafi's military planes. Now, Al-Homayed wrote, the ball is in the court of the international community which has a duty to protect the Libyan people from the regime. He underlined the importance of a quick united European and US stand in order to issue a UN resolution regarding the matter. He expected the diplomatic fight to reaching a resolution to be ferocious, but it has its justifications: the protection of the Libyan people.
"What happened in Libya is different than that in Egypt and Tunisia, because the military in the two states showed responsibility. Yemen could turn out like Libya unless the international community moves quickly to protect Yemen from a civil war. However, the priority now is providing protection for the Libyan people as quickly as possible," Al-Homayed wrote in the London- based political daily Asharq Al-Awsat.
The editorial of the Qatari daily Al-Watan said that there was no time for international hesitation or a wait-and-see policy in dealing with the liberty of the Libyan people who are leading a ferocious and unequal war against the heavily armed regime of Gaddafi. The editorial criticised the Security Council which is still discussing the option of imposing a no-fly zone over Libya while other states are calling on the Arab League to take a more decisive stand in imposing the embargo. It affirmed that a ban on Gaddafi travelling and a freeze of his money or a threat to increase sanctions on his country are not enough. These measures should be supported by more decisive and immediate resolutions to protect the Libyan people.
"Gaddafi found support in the hesitation of some international and Arab parties to impose an air embargo on Libya. External intervention has become a pressing and humane necessity imposed by the present situation in Libya," the edit summed up.
While external intervention is welcomed in Libya, it is not in Bahrain.
Abdel-Bari Atwan regarded the Saudi decision to send 1,000 soldiers to Bahrain at Bahrain's behest as the most serious political and military development in the region since Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait in 1990. Atwan ascribed the danger to two reasons: it is an unprecedented Saudi intervention in the internal affairs of another state and second, it could lead to sectarian polarisation in the region and to a regional war in which regional as well as international parties could be involved.
"The intervention of external forces in Bahrain could deepen sectarianism, push towards dividing that small country according to a sectarian basis and impede internal reconciliation," Atwan wrote in the London-based daily Al-Quds Al-Arabi.
Atwan said he failed to understand the reasons behind the Saudi intervention at this time. Was it for fear of the fall of the Sunni royal regime, or out of concern that the protests could reach Saudi Arabia or was it both reasons? In any event, he regarded the intervention as a dangerous adventure or gamble that could prove very costly to the Gulf region.
The protests in Yemen are on the rise with no sign they will end to the satisfaction of either the regime or the protesters. However, the nature of Yemen is different than any other Arab state, as Sami Hassan argued. He wrote that the protests would not only have an impact on Yemen, but could lead to the re-division of the state into two as it used to be before the two states were united in the 1990s.
Hassan held the political leadership in Yemen headed by Ali Abdullah Saleh as responsible for calls for the separation of north and south Yemen. Calls for secession are a sign of the failure of the ruling regime to achieve justice and equality among its citizens. Ever since the unity of both states, Hassan explained, Saleh took a series of political, administrative and economic measures to ensure his full control of power. In addition, he started preparing the ground for his son's inheritance of power.
These measures came hand in hand with an aggravating economic crisis and growing and spreading corruption.
Thus, Hassan concluded in the London-based independent political daily Al-Hayat that the people's call for an end to Saleh's regime is justified, not only because of the sad state that Yemen has reached or the right of the people to exchange a despotic for a democratic regime but to save Yemeni unity as well.


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