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Kashmiri spring?
Sudhanshu Ranjan
Published in
Al-Ahram Weekly
on 31 - 05 - 2001
India launches a peace offensive and
Pakistan
speedily obliges. There is a long road ahead, however, before mutual expressions of goodwill translate into an end of conflict, writes Sudhanshu Ranjan from New
Delhi
In a dramatic turnaround in
India
's stance on direct talks with
Pakistan
, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee on 23 May invited
Pakistan
's General Musharraf to visit
India
at his earliest convenience. The
Indian
government simultaneously called off its six-month unilateral cease-fire in Kashmir. The mountainous region has been a major bone of contention -- and source of direct conflict -- between
India
and
Pakistan
since both countries attained independence in 1947.
Announcing the end of the cease-fire, External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh said that security forces in Kashmir "shall take such action against terrorists as they judge best." He expressed regret that various organisations had failed to recognise the imperatives of peace, dialogue and cooperation.
In statesman-like language that betrayed no trace of rancour about "cross-border terrorism," Vajpayee spoke warmly of his February 1999 visit to
Lahore
and said, "We have to pick up the threads again." Striking a gracious tone, he invited Begum Musharraf to accompany her husband. Vajpayee's letter mentioned his visit to Minar-e-
Pakistan
-- the monument built in honour of the Muslim League's 1940 resolution calling, in effect, for the partition of
India
-- and recalled the entry he made in the visitors' book: "A stable, secure and prosperous
Pakistan
is in
India
's interest, that remains our conviction."
Responding promptly,
Pakistan
expressed satisfaction at the tone and tenor of Vajpayee's letter on Saturday. Musharraf, who met senior officials and advisers soon after the letter was delivered, ordered them to consult hard-line religious and Jihad groups opposed to talks. A
Pakistan
Information Ministry spokesman said that a reply would be delivered to
India
in two or three days. Though the venue and timing of the meeting have not been made officially public, early indications are that both leaders are keen to meet before their common Independence Day. Musharraf will be especially keen to address domestic constituencies by celebrating a breakthrough in his Kashmir offensive.
Pakistani
High Commissioner in New
Delhi
Ashraf Jehangir Qazi declared that the summit would be given "highest priority."
Until now, there seemed to be insurmountable obstacles to such a breakthrough, including the oft-quoted
Indian
objection to
Pakistan
's sponsorship of cross-border terrorism. Official
India
loved to hate Gen. Musharraf because he ousted its good friend Nawaz Sharif in an overnight coup and, even worse, plotted the Kargil invasion. Vajpayee once expressed
India
's outrage to the British Commonwealth by saying that the only
Pakistani
leader his government recognised was Sharif. However, as in politics, so in diplomacy: What is right is self-interest. This requires
India
and
Pakistan
to bury the hatchet and resume dialogue, as border tensions translate into costly defence spending for both countries.
India
indicated that the Composite Dialogue Process (CDP), agreed upon by Prime Ministers Vajpayee and Sharif in September 1998, offered a ready-made framework which could be revived if the proposed summit leads to a suitably promising climate. Other than Kashmir, the CDP included issues like peace and security, terrorism and drugs and economic and cultural cooperation.
Kashmir is of strategic importance to both countries. Major General Akbar Khan, who played a key role in the
Pakistan
invasion of 1947-48, once commented: "One glance at the map was enough to show that
Pakistan
's military security would be seriously jeopardised if
Indian
troops came to be stationed along Kashmir's border. [...] We would be permanently exposed to a threat of such magnitude that our independence would never be a reality." Similarly,
India
's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, in a 25 October 1947 letter to British Prime Minister Clement Attlee wrote: "Kashmir's northern frontiers, as you are aware, are in common with these of three countries:
Afghanistan
, the USSR and
China
. The security of Kashmir is vital to the security of
India
, especially since part of the southern boundary of Kashmir and
India
is common. Helping Kashmir, therefore, is an obligation of national interest to
India
."
India
has consistently maintained that Kashmir became an integral part of
India
when Kashmiri ruler Maharaja Hari Singh signed the instrument of accession to
India
. According to
Pakistan
, Kashmir, a predominantly Muslim state, should have automatically joined it, as religion was the basis of partition.
Pakistan
accuses
India
of not holding a plebiscite in Kashmir to ascertain the people's wish as per the commitment it made to the United Nations.
Less than 24 hours after New
Delhi
handed over the formal invitation,
Pakistani
High Commissioner Qazi forcefully reiterated the demand for a plebiscite.
India
, however, says it never accepted the two-nation solution and that, even after partition, it opted for a secular, rather than a Hindu, state.
India
asserts that a plebiscite can be held only when
Pakistan
withdraws from the part of Kashmir which it occupies.
India
also argues that successive elections in Kashmir have conclusively proved that the people of Kashmir want to stay in
India
.
Senior diplomats on both sides are worried about the outcome of the summit. Hawks in
India
point out that Musharraf harbours intense prejudices against
India
and that he did not participate in the welcoming ceremony for Vajpayee in February 1999. Musharraf is also the first
Pakistani
ruler to proclaim that it is the duty of all Muslims to support the Jihad in Kashmir.
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