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Oil meets water
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 14 - 07 - 2005

Lebanon came closer to forming its first independent government in 30 years, but not close enough, writes Serene Assir
Lebanon was poised this week as designate- Prime Minister Fouad Siniora -- formerly the closest aid of assassinated former Prime Minister Rafiq Al-Hariri -- came close to forming the first independently-founded Lebanese government since Syria, following a 30-year-long period of political and security control over its neighbour, withdrew in May.
Siniora's efforts, however, were obstructed Tuesday by a powerful car bomb which wounded, among others, pro-Syrian defence minister Elias Al-Murr.
It was the latest in a series of bombings and assassinations that have ripped through the country over recent months, but unlike past bombings, this time a pro-Syrian figure was targeted. For its part, Damascus condemned the act calling it "an attempt to destabilise" its neighbour.
President Emile Lahoud, a close ally of Syria, made the appointment of Murr in the new government a prerequisite to officially approving the new cabinet. Reports from Beirut confirmed Siniora's inclusion of Murr in his cabinet, which was expected to be approved by Lahoud on Tuesday. However, as Al-Ahram Weekly went to print it appeared that Lahoud nonetheless rejected Siniora's proposed government.
The results of the parliamentary elections, held following the Syrians' withdrawal, in classic Lebanese style left Siniora in the difficult position of trying to simultaneously placate very different, almost mutually exclusive, equally powerful, newly emergent political groups and individuals. Internal pressures notwithstanding, calls came from the United States to Siniora to press on with the formation of the new government, and to quickly carry out new political reforms.
The formation of the new government has been delayed by a standoff between Siniora and Michel Aoun, on the one hand, and between the Sunni prime minister-designate and Hizbullah on the other.
Aoun swept the majority of Lebanese Christian votes, participating in the elections shortly after his return from 15 years' exile in France. Invited to join the government, he initially refused on the basis that he was seeking control of the Justice Ministry a demand that was rebuffed by the premier.
What is interesting about his demand for this portfolio is that up until 6 July, Aoun was accused by the Lebanese government of "harming Lebanon's relations with Syria". The charge was finally dropped when judge Michel Abu Arraj ruled that there was not enough evidence to substantiate the accusation.
In light of this, it may not come as a surprise that Aoun has decided to reconsider the invitation to join the new Lebanese government. What is clear, however, is regardless of which post he will eventually be offered, Aoun is essentially the most powerful Christian politician in Lebanon, and that he stands an excellent chance of eventually becoming president.
On the other hand, the Hizbullah leadership, which swept the vote in South Lebanon -- an overwhelmingly Shia constituency -- has been vying for power in the Foreign Ministry. Siniora, by contrast, wants the portfolio to go to Christian Fouad Boutrous.
The significance of this post, of course, lies in the fact that whoever controls the Foreign Ministry plays an extremely powerful role in the determination of relations with Damascus. And while the Shias are, on the whole, seeking to maintain ties with the Syrian leadership, other elements in Lebanese politics are attempting to redefine Damascus-Beirut relations altogether. According to Hizbullah, the fact that Siniora is pushing for the ministry to be handed to a Christian is purely the result of US pressure.
At the same time, it is significant that Hizbullah has, for the first time, agreed to join the Lebanese cabinet. Spokesmen for the Shia party have told reporters that they intend to participate fully in the search for true Lebanese national unity, and that the party will not boycott any process deemed to be in a spirit which brings all Lebanese political and sectarian actors together. What they are not willing to do, however, is give way to the implementation of US-proposed policies, especially those regarding United Nations Resolution 1559.
Following three weeks of gridlock that seemed impossible to resolve, it was during this week that at last it became clear that factionalism was starting to give way so that a government could finally be formed. What remains to be seen is just how the fine-tuning of government formation will be carried out, given the outwardly contradictory aims of the diverse groups that emerged victorious in the election.
Oil and water may have to be mixed in Lebanese politics. Upon this rides the fate of the political independence of Lebanon, both from Syria and the West. Then again, perhaps the politics of the region and the very particular case of this small Mediterranean republic requires that governments be complex, messy, and that full independence remains but a distant dream.


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