The drafting of Iraq's permanent constitution has taken a turn for the bizarre. The country, we all know, is going through exceptional times. The former regime was overthrown not by the local population, but by foreign forces claiming to be freeing Iraqis from tyranny and injustice. These same forces have turned into occupation forces, acting with the impunity of imperial powers. Under these circumstances, democracy in Iraq bears foreign fingerprints, which is hardly reassuring to many Iraqis, particularly Sunnis. This is not Iraq's first encounter with a political regime that is tainted by foreign intervention. The Shia and the Kurds have not forgotten the eight decades of injustice and marginalisation they suffered under the sectarian regime British imperialism introduced in the aftermath of World War I. Sunni Arabs now hold similar fears, for some Iraqis accuse them of having colluded with the ousted regime in the persecution of Kurds and Shia. Needless to say, this is a false accusation. Dictatorships have no religion, ethnicity or doctrine. What matters in dictatorships is loyalty to the dictator. Saddam's most loyal circle included Kurds, Shia and Christians. There is ample evidence, including eyewitness testimony, indicating that Kurdish individuals were involved in the crimes of genocide committed against the Kurdish community. The Sunnis were victims of the regime, as all communities in the country were. Hundreds of thousands of them died in the regime's wars against neighbouring countries. The Sunnis didn't bring the Baathists to power. The latter came to power in a military coup in 1968. Iraq's situation is extraordinary. The country is losing its national cohesion to ethnic rivalry. The Shia believe that, being the majority, they are entitled to run the country. If this proves too difficult, they would settle for federalism in the south. The Kurds, for their part, want a state of their own, citing the right of self determination. If this proves unrealistic for the time being, they want a measure of independence within a federal system. Sunni Arabs want to run the country, as they once did. If this proves unattainable, they want equal power to that of the Shia. Life in a multi-ethnic but democratic country is not an easy thing, for various communities push for privileges at the expense of others. This is what is going on right now. The challenges facing the Iraqi permanent constitution are the outcome of the battle for privileges. To emerge from this crisis, one of the country's three major communities should give up part of its demands, so that a general consensus may develop. Is that possible?
