Ground battles in Gaza between the PA and Hamas reflect the ascendancy of the Islamic resistance movement as Fatah fights for breath, reports Khalid Amayreh in the West Bank Senior Palestinian sources told Al-Ahram Weekly on Wednesday that the Palestinian government of Ahmed Qurei will submit its resignation to Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas early next week. The move is expected to take place as soon as Qurei, who is abroad for medical treatment, returns to Ramallah. The Fatah-dominated Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) voted unanimously this week to ask Abbas to form a new government to handle more firmly rampant chaos throughout the Palestinian territories, especially in the Gaza Strip. The PLC charged the current government with incompetence after dozens of armed Palestinian police stormed the parliament building in Gaza City on Monday, protesting what they described as government flaccidity toward Hamas. It is not yet clear if Qurei will form a new cabinet or just introduce a limited reshuffle, replacing the security and interior ministers with stronger men. In all cases, the formation of a new cabinet will not be an easy task. First, and according to the Palestinian Basic Law, Qurei wouldn't be able to nominate himself for the upcoming Legislative Council unless he resigns from his post at least two months prior to elections. It is not clear if Qurei, who is not popular, will want to be a Fatah candidate or just retire for health reasons. Should he decide to form a new cabinet, Qurei will not be able to include in that cabinet any of the political heavyweights who are likely to run for the elections. This would render the new cabinet weak, being transitional in nature. The numerous complications facing the formation of a new cabinet may underscore the hastiness with which the PLC decided to cast a no confidence vote in Qurei's government. Moreover, it is by now clear that dealing with the problems and challenges facing the Palestinians is beyond any government's ability; problems to do mainly with the Israeli occupation which spares no effort to complicate an already volatile situation. In Jerusalem, and as Muslims began the holy month of Ramadan, Israeli soldiers and paramilitary police who control access to Al-Aqsa Mosque prevented Wakf officials from bringing Qur'anic texts to the mosque. Muslim officials castigated the stringent act, unprecedented since 1967, calling it "draconian". The Israeli army also closed Al-Ibrahimi Mosque in downtown Hebron; apparently to allow Jewish settlers to celebrate the Jewish New Year. With Israel constantly narrowing the horizons with roadblocks, mass arrests and separation walls, Palestinians this week were closer than ever to a point of implosion. In Gaza, a fortnight of accumulating tension between the PA and Hamas culminated in street clashes between the two sides, resulting in the deaths of three people. Both Hamas and the PA gave contradictory accounts of the Sunday night incident. Hamas accused PA police of having beaten Muhammed Rantisi, son of the late Hamas leader Abdul-Aziz Rantisi who was murdered by Israel over two years ago. The PA had an entirely different version. Interior Ministry spokesman Tawfik Abu Khusa said a routine patrol tried to resolve a scuffle between two citizens at an ATM machine. One of the two was Rantisi, who, the PA statement said, called upon Hamas supporters and fighters to come to his aid. The PA didn't say why Rantisi called on Hamas's men nor whether he was assaulted or mistreated by the police. It is difficult to ascertain whose account has more veracity. What is clear is that the "scuffle", according Abu Khusa, or "unprovoked beating", according to Hamas, soon evolved into street battles between dozens of armed police and Hamas fighters in the Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood and the nearby Shati refugee camp. The clashes continued until midnight, when Egyptian mediators reportedly pressed the two sides to stand down. Hamas and the PA had been exchanging accusations and recriminations since the Jabalya refugee camp incident of 23 September. "There is a faction of the PA trying to eradicate Hamas, and that plans widespread conflict in the West Bank," said Hamas representative in Lebanon Muhammed Nazzal in interview with the Associated Press on Sunday. "The hands of this faction -- backed by Washington and London -- are stained with Palestinian blood, and Hamas will confront it, even at the price of civil war," Nazzal said. Talk of civil war was received with disbelief in the occupied territories. Even Hamas leaders sought to distance themselves from it. This notwithstanding, the relationship between the PA and Fatah on the one side and Hamas on the other is rapidly deteriorating. During the third phase of the Palestinian municipal elections which took place this week, the head of the elections committee, Jamal Shubaki, angered Hamas when he declared moments after polls closed that Fatah defeated Hamas, winning more than 65 per cent as against 26 per cent won by Hamas. Shubaki and the Fatah-dominated elections committee gave the misleading impression that Hamas was being rolled back to a distant second force behind Fatah, and as such widely reported in the international media, including the Israeli media, which celebrated Hamas's defeat. A closer look at the results of the 29 September elections shows that in sheer number, Hamas appears to have won more votes than Fatah, although the latter -- as a result of the electoral system -- won nearly twice as many seats as the former. Moreover, the real test of the standing of Hamas and Fatah will be the fourth and last phase of the municipal elections, set to take place before the end of the year in Gaza City, Hebron, Nablus, Ramallah and Jenin. Most observers agree that Hamas has a clear advantage over Fatah. The outcome of these elections will indicate most clearly how opposing Palestinian political forces will fare in national PLC elections scheduled for 27 January.
