Last week, the Russian president was in Damascus, but the minor agreements which were publicised were not the real reason behind the visit, reveals Bassel Oudat from Damascus Russian President Dmitri Medvedev visited Damascus last week to discuss with his Syrian counterpart Bashar Al-Assad ways of strengthening political and economic ties between the two countries. During the short trip, the two leaders found time to discuss the stalled peace process, suspended indirect talks between Syria and Israel, the positions of Moscow and Damascus regarding the formation of a government in Baghdad, conditions in Lebanon and Palestine, sanctions against Iran, US pressure on Syria and assistance to Syria in the field of peaceful use of nuclear energy. The visit was significant for both sides, and it was clear that the two leaders were keen on making it a success to serve both their declared and undeclared goals. According to sources who closely monitored the visit, the real purpose of Medvedev's visit "was not what was announced in terms of developing bilateral economic ties or the conclusion of a few agreements, especially that there are no obstacles between the two sides in this regard. It aimed for a bigger target." Five economic and service agreements were signed at the end of the president's visit, pertaining to aviation services, communications, and cooperation in the fields of science, environment and tourism. Obviously, such agreements did not need the presence of a head of state. Medvedev's real agenda in Damascus, which the Russians did not publicise, was rooted in Moscow's desire to play a principal role in the region as a superpower. Russia wants to participate in resolving the problems of the Middle East and end the Arab-Israeli conflict. These goals would help Moscow emerge on the world stage as a superpower beyond its traditional role in the Caucasus region, Central Asia and Eastern Europe. Russia is building on the US's failure in many issues in the Middle East to carve out an influential role for itself in the region, especially since domestic conditions have improved and it has become more stable and economically prosperous internally. Moscow has also scored a number of regional successes in Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan and the Commonwealth of Independent States. It was also able to slow down the building of US missile defence bases in the Czech Republic and Poland. It is natural that participating in resolving the conflicts in the Middle East would enforce the image that Russia is a superpower, especially now that the Quartet's role has been marginalised. Damascus was very interested in Medvedev's visit and hoped that it would result in a qualitative change in ties between the two sides, to elevate them into strategic relations. The Syrians would also like the visit to eventually lead to a joint military defence pact, and they tried to convince the Russian president of the need to arm the country with modern Russian weapons to protect Syrian skies and territories. Syria also discussed the possibility of transforming the Syrian port of Tartus from a regional station which services the Russian navy into a Russian military base on the Mediterranean. Damascus hoped that the visit would strengthen political ties with Moscow in order to fully benefit from Russia's permanent seat in the UN Security Council and its growing role on the world stage. The Syrians further wanted to secure Russian support for their policies on major regional issues, which would send a message to Washington and European countries that continue to pressure Syria. Soviet-Syrian relations began to develop in 1956 when the late Syrian president Shukri Al-Quwatli was able to secure Russia's support in sending weapons to Syria. Ties grew closer during the unity between Syria and Egypt, and became an alliance and strategic relations once Al-Baath Party came to power in Damascus. This relationship focussed primarily on military cooperation (weapons and military experts), economic cooperation (65 major Soviet projects), on political collaboration and education opportunities at Soviet universities. Medvedev's visit was the first by a Russian president to Syria, although the two presidents had met once before when Al-Assad went to Russia in August 2008 when Syria supported Russia in its war against Georgia. One of the most important issues, which was not publicised but discussed extensively behind closed doors on the second day of the visit, is arming the Syrian military. Damascus was able to achieve a half victory in this respect with Moscow announcing that it is willing to sell new types of defence weapons to Syria to be paid for in full and in cash. Two days after the trip concluded, the Russian Federal Agency for Military Cooperation revealed a deal to provide Syria with defensive weapons including MiG-29s, armoured weaponry and short-range air defence systems. It did not articulate the size of the deal or delivery times. Moscow welcomes this arrangement with the proviso it doesn't significantly change the strategic balance of power in the region. Syria considers itself at war with Israel, and hence it is arming and fortifying its military to secure its territories and ensure its ability to confront any attacks from Israel. Medvedev wanted to confirm his country's interest in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and send a message to Israel and the US that he is beginning to become more active on the issue. While in Damascus, he met with Khaled Mashaal, the chief of Hamas's political bureau -- a meeting which was arranged by Al-Assad himself. This was not an usual move by the Russians since Moscow has close ties with Hamas; Mashaal headed a senior Hamas delegation to Moscow last year. The Medvedev-Mashaal meeting comes at a time when Western governments refuse to deal with Hamas and categorise it as a terrorist organisation. The meeting with Mashaal angered Israel, but the Russian Foreign Ministry justified the meeting by saying it was necessary "because one cannot resolve the Middle East conflict while isolating any Palestinian factions." The US viewed Medvedev's trip with caution and was disturbed by his suggestion to assist Syria in building a nuclear power plant. Philip Crowley, spokesman for US State Department, was surprised by Russia's offer in this field especially at a time when Syria "has not yet responded to queries about its commitment to the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty." Syria is eager for cooperation with Russia to begin in this field, "because Israel would not dare attack a peaceful Syrian nuclear programme which is supervised by Russian experts," according to a Syrian official. Medvedev's visit to the Hananya (St Ananias) Orthodox Church in Old Damascus sent a message to Eastern Christians that his country will remain an ally of the Eastern Orthodox Church, as was the case in the last century. Russia's influence in the Middle East will depend on its relationship with Syria, which has strong ties with Iran, Hizbullah in Lebanon and Hamas. At the same time, some observers argue Syria is temporarily seeking closer ties with Moscow, but remains focussed on Washington, waiting to see what the future holds for relations between Russia and the US.
