Muhammad Ali (1805-2005) is a special series published fortnightly by Al-Ahram Weekly in anticipation of the international symposium commemorating the bicentennial of Muhammad Ali Pasha's acendancy to power, to be held in Egypt on 10 November. Contributions, proposals and letters on the subject should be addressed to the series editor Amina Elbendary [email protected] or faxed to +202 578 6089. Previous instalments: Muhammad Ali (1805-2005) Levantine experiences A lot has been written on Muhammad Ali's expansionist policies, less about how they were carried out on the ground. Latifa Mohamed Salem* analyses the Egyptian experience of ruling the Levant With his intelligence, charisma, and ability to manipulate situations, Muhammad Ali managed to get the Egyptians to choose him as their leader and impose that choice on the Ottoman Sultan in 1805. Muhammad Ali quickly controlled the internal situation in Egypt and put in place greater plans. The army was Muhammad Ali's primary tool, providing him with untold opportunities. The military built numerous factories that created the groundwork for building modern Egypt, and provided services for the arm that reached out abroad. The Pasha realised that it played a unique and leading role in the region and was convinced that he was a just, enlightened ruler who believed in modern ideas in an environment dominated by backwardness and zealotry. At the same time, however, he found it difficult to disentangle himself from the mantle of the Ottoman Empire. Thus he strove at first to implement his policies via the Ottoman powers. He did so at a time when its structure had been weakened and its sun was setting, when it no longer had a firm grasp on its provinces, and was under attack by Europe. The first opportunity to do so came when Sultan Mahmoud II turned to Muhammad Ali to thwart the first Saudi empire, which had stretched its dominion to the north and threatened the Levant and Iraq. Muhammad Ali succeeded at this mission in 1818. The Sultan then repeated his request for assistance from Egypt's ruler during the Greek revolution against Ottoman rule, an intervention which ended in Ottoman- Egyptian defeat at Navarino on 20 October 1827, following the military involvement of other states. Yet one result of that war was that Crete fell under Egyptian rule. Muhammad Ali had by then taken control of Sudan in 1821 under numerous motives, the most significant of which was extending his strategic reach southwards. And thus Egypt's influence spread beyond its borders with the blessings of the Ottoman Empire. Annexing the Levant: Muhammad Ali was an ambitious man, obsessed with an expansionist dream that involved building a strong, modern empire of the Arab and Islamic regions which could stand up to European powers. He also sought to make this empire his own independent entity, and one that his progeny would inherit. He thus had to change policies with regards to the Ottoman Empire, acting without its permission and at times even against its will. His initial goal was controlling the Levant. During the war in the Arabian Peninsula, Muhammad Ali had made it clear to the Sultan that he needed the strategic Levant and that he would in fact purchase it. The Sublime Porte, however, paid no heed. Later Muhammad Ali requested rule over Sidon following the end of the Morea War, but his request was declined. Finally he offered a significant tribute for annexing the Levant to Egypt, and again he was refused. Muhammad Ali had various motives to control the Levant, the most significant of which was a need to protect Egypt. The country's eastern threshold was under threat of outside aggression and annexing the Levant would protect it and extend its strategic depth to the north. Economics provided a second motive, for the project he pursued required raw materials, in particular metal used in industry, wood needed for warships and merchant ships and other products the Levant was famous for, as well as products from Asia imported to the Levant. Furthermore, the Levant's material wealth would complement his monopolization policy, while its human resources would be useful in building an army, since Levantines were renowned for a strong warrior nature. In addition the region enjoyed a special religious and cultural value, including as it did Jerusalem and Umayyad Damascus. And finally, Muhammad Ali had a strong desire to launch a new renaissance in the region by doing away with the old styles of rule -- a model that could be applied to the Ottoman Empire as a whole. Hence, a struggle was expected between Cairo and Istanbul, particularly after Mohamed Ali stressed that the natural borders of Egypt were the Taurus Mountains and not the Suez isthmus. Preparations began early on; the Pasha developed relations with the rulers of the Levant. Some expressed enmity but those who found that he shored up their power grew closer, including the amir Bashir Al-Shihabi from Mount Lebanon, who encouraged Muhammad Ali to take control of the Levant and promised assistance. Before long, Egypt's Pasha knew of every minute detail in the region, and made it seem as though Egypt was protecting the Levant. This situation incited the Sultan who knowing of Muhammad Ali's aspirations resorted to the method of the time: conspiracy. He found in Abdullah Pasha, the ruler of Sidon and its precincts, his aim. Abdullah Pasha was envious of Muhammad Ali and a war of words broke out between the two. The situation became critical when a large number of peasants from Al-Sharqiya province in Egypt fled to the southern Levant and Abdullah Pasha refused to send them back. Muhammad Ali threatened him and swore that he would return them along with Abdullah himself, and then drew his sword to take by force what he had been unable to obtain through money or politics. Characteristics of life in the Levant helped the Pasha. The region's strategic location, topography, history and religious significance influenced the nature of its residents and brought under its wing extensive ethnic and religious diversity. There was no natural unity in the Levant, for its society drew upon sectarian divisions and animosity was common. An ongoing administrative struggle between the area's four Pashas was fed by Istanbul. Often the military leaders took control, and all this affected the population, which suffered under these unfortunate circumstances. Internecine fighting broke out, and matters were further complicated by the aggressive behaviour of the Bedouin. Further increasing suffering was the feudal system, which forced slavery upon the peasants. And finally, persecution of non-Muslim subjects formed yet another tragedy. In sum, Levantine society was in a dire state. This paved the way for Muhammad Ali's mission. The Egyptian offensive of November 1831 was a modern planned affair. The military expedition led by Ibrahim Pasha, Muhammad Ali's own son and an able military officer, was accompanied by warships. The Egyptian army was welcomed in the region from Gaza to Haifa without any combat. Ibrahim confirmed the rulers of this region in their positions, including Bashir Al-Shihabi. Acre, however, was besieged and taken by force. The Egyptian forces began to advance to the interior, Levantine ports fell into Ibrahim's hands, who had controlled Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo. The army continued to advance as the Ottoman forces withdrew following their defeat. Delegations of Levantines came forward to declare their submission to the new ruler and complain of the injustices they had suffered. The offensive continued to creep towards Anatolia; the Battle of Konya took place on 21 December 1832. There the Egyptians defeated the Ottoman forces and thus the road to Istanbul was opened up to Ibrahim. The Ottoman Empire was furious, aware as it was of the power and aspirations of Muhammad Ali on the one hand, and the weakness that it had been struck with on the other. Its legal council issued a ruling stripping Muhammad Ali and his son of their posts, ranks and titles. The Pasha responded with a declaration from Al-Azhar scholars apostatising the Sultan and calling on Muslims to rescue Islam from the Ottoman ruler. Egypt had gained the upper hand over the Empire following the military and political outcomes of the war. These developments were not in line with European interests. Russia rushed to send forces to assist the Sublime Porte, which worried Britain and France and prompted Britain to charge its consul in Egypt with resolving the conflict between the Pasha and the Sultan, while France sent a special envoy to Cairo to the same end. The crisis ended with the Ktahya Accord of 8 April 1833, in which Muhammad Ali was rewarded with what he desired: control of Egypt, the Hijaz, and Crete in return for withdrawing from Anatolia. He was also made to pay 32,000 purses (1 purse = 500 piasters) yet he was not granted the inherited rule he so coveted. The conflict was not resolved and preparations for the next round were underway as the European role took on a special prominence, with Britain occupying first place. Egypt had threatened its interests by controlling the main commercial routes, whether the Euphrates, the Gulf, or the Red Sea, and so it reacted first by discrediting Muhammad Ali's economic policy. Britain signed with the Ottoman Empire the Treaty of Balta Liman, which required it to impose taxes and tariffs, and it continued to exert pressure until a firman issued in December 1835 ended Muhammad Ali's monopoly in the Levant and removed trade restrictions. In August 1838 another agreement abolished monopolies in all Ottoman provinces. Intense activity against the Egyptian administration continued, and Ibrahim's defeat of the Ottomans at Nasibin (Nezip) on 24 June 1839 provided further motivation for intervention by other states. A memorandum dated 27 July 1839 was sent to the Sublime Porte instructing it not to take any measures against Egypt without the permission of outside states. Britain sent a section of its fleet to the coast of Beirut. On 15 July 1840, the London Accord was signed between Britain, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and the Ottoman Empire, compelling Muhammad Ali to retreat to the Egyptian border, and allowing him inheritable rule of Egypt and rule of Acre for life. He was given ten days to accept the conditions, but lost Acre when British, Austrian and Ottoman fleets attacked the Levantine coast and the local population revolted against Egyptian rule. Muhammad Ali was thus forced to give up Acre and accept only the inheritable rule of Egypt. The Egyptians withdrew from left their last strongholds in Gaza on 19 February 1841. Yet the question still remains -- how had Egypt ruled the Levant? Administration and Justice: Since a unified administration was unfeasible, the Pasha decided to introduce change gradually. He studied the attitudes of those in high posts and those who were found to be cooperative and open to change remained in power. The post of mutassalim gained importance, for its holder served as the civil governor and was given sweeping powers including control over administrative supervision and intervention in minutest details. The mutassalims were given tenure in their posts. Ibrahim Pasha harped on them to exert immense effort to be alert and upright at all times. He warned them of punishment for infractions, bribery, blackmail, embezzlement and other crimes. Those who obeyed were rewarded, and those who didn't't were punished. Later as Ibrahim Pasha wanted to devote his attention to military endeavours, Muhammad Ali appointed Sherif Bey as general governor of the Levant, instructing him to work for the public interest, institute order, implement justice, observe tradition, fairly distribute funds, protect the destitute, treat the wealthy and poor equally, and punish and reform deviants. Sherif Bey was a strict administrator, adept at studying and understanding the local population. He divided the Levant into administrative districts and appointed military governors to the major cities alongside the civil authority to secure order and facilitate administration. Consultative ( shura) councils were established to contain and absorb opposition and earn the respect and loyalty of prominent social figures without racial or religious discrimination. The councils guaranteed that appropriate measures be taken in accordance with the nature of the region, and prevented governors from monopolising power. The first of these was the consultative council of Damascus, which commenced work in June 1832. It was entrusted with judicial authority in civil and commercial cases and was given financial jurisdiction over taxes, contracts and other matters related to commerce and public relations. Hanna Bahri, a prominent and sophisticated Christian Levantine, headed the council whose powers gradually increased even as its members were vigilantly monitored for signs of negligence. The region's councils then multiplied at Ibrahim's encouragement, bringing positive results. The judiciary, on the other hand, had been steeped in corruption before the arrival of the Egyptian regime. Under the new regime judges were subservient to the administrative authority and their rulings were monitored. It was the poor condition of the legal system as well as Muhammad Ali's preferred approach that led to such control of the executive authority over the judiciary. After the judges had been in total control of judicial and other matters they became employees of the state, their powers were restricted. The consultative councils also formed another judicial authority alongside the Islamic Shari'a courts. the economy: Due to his intelligence, experience and friendly relations with the new regime, Hanna Bahri was put in charge of the financial administration. Religious tolerance and a preference for local appointees also backed this choice. The administration inherited burdens from the previous regime. Extensive finances were required to cover the tribute to Istanbul, the land tax paid to the Sultan, gifts to influential officials, the military's requirements, funds allocated to modernisation projects such as education and transportation reform. The Egyptian treasury offered assistance, but the taxes multiplied, including the government miri tax, which formed the monetary basis of the treasury and which was a heavy burden on the people. The 'ashuri tax rose and a system was put in place for taxing non-Muslims. A head tax was also established, as well as an 'iana assistance tax on employees in high posts. This system was shored up by the farming of taxes, iltizam. Heavy taxation caused general discontent and brought negative consequences on the Egyptian administration. However, the government also relinquished some of the money it was due in taxes from certain villages due to their poverty and misery. The financial administration also relied on tariffs, including domestic ones known as al-dukhuliya, city tolls imposed on goods transported from one city to another. External tariffs were imposed on foreign merchants. Both Egyptian and Ottoman currencies were recognized, measures were taken to stabilise the value of the Egyptian currency and limit its sale. However, its exchange rate did not stabilise and Muhammad Ali was forced to devalue it to maintain and protect the financial market. As for agriculture, Muhammad Ali tried to copy the Egyptian experience in the Levant. He did away with the feudal system and redistributed agricultural land but kept the tax farming system in place. The agricultural policy fostered production. Ibrahim Pasha offered financial assistance including free loans to peasants with positive results. Orders were issued to pardon farmers from taxes for three years. As a result, fleeing peasants returned and new villages were established. Punishments were handed out to those who exploited or attacked peasant farmers. Agricultural production varied greatly. Mulberry trees were fundamental as were olives, cabbage, cotton, grain, hemp, tobacco, plants used in dyes, cactus, castor oil plant and all kinds of fruit. Efforts were made to introduce new crops including indigo, corn, coffee, and tubers, while special interest was given to orchards. Due to the need for wood the thick forests of the north, with their abundance, distinction and variety, took on new significance. Irrigation methods advanced, and livestock production became increasingly important. Stocks improved and poultry was given special attention. Yet the agricultural policy faced difficulties, some of them natural, such as locust attacks, and others caused by the administration, such as monopolisation, military conscription, statute labour, and taxes. The Egyptian regime also focused on industry, primarily on the silk industry, to which modern, scientific methods were applied. Next in priority were the spinning and weaving industries, and machine- produced woolen textiles advanced greatly. Olive presses proliferated, and leather tanneries increased their activity as foreign experts were brought in. There was a revival in the production of glass, horse saddles, swords, porcelain, honey candles, tobacco, wine and wood and marine products. The region's metals, gold, silver, copper, iron and lead, carried their own weight in the industrial field and teams of explorers and drillers were sent out and European experts were brought over. Muhammad Ali wanted to apply his monopolisation polices in the Levant, whereby the state purchased products at the price it determined and sold them at the price it saw fit. Ibrahim was not supportive of this policy due to the Levant's differences in comparison to Egypt, and yet the Pasha's policy was implemented and silk, cotton, wool and hemp were monopolised. Foreigners opposed this policy when their interests were harmed, and Britain undertook the task of toppling the monopoly, which resulted in the December 1835 firman abolishing monopolies. As for trade, the Levant formed a crossroads between the east and west and the commercial spirit was firmly established among its people. Foreign merchants had invested their own advantageous situations, while the burden of tariff fees fell upon the local residents, and so the Egyptian administration made efforts to limit the advantages of foreigners. Efforts were also concentrated on increasing foreign trade while protecting local production. The December 1835 firman created an obstacle to this, however, and gave foreigners full freedom for exploitation. Foreign trade depended on imports that increased as trade expansion took place and in response to the needs of society, particularly given the armed forces and its needs. Egypt contributed to the Levant's imports and European products also took on an important role, with Britain occupying first place followed by France. The Levant also exported products to Egypt and Europe. The Egyptian administration took interest in the Levant's ports and decreased shipping fees. Foreign trade affected domestic trade, and internal roads were paved and protected from Bedouin who might attack them. When the price of foodstuffs rose the financial administration acted to curb prices and created the post of auditor to monitor weights, measures and prices. While the Egyptian administration brought about a commercial renaissance in the Levant, it also faced the same obstacles of monopolisation, military conscription, oscillating fees, animal exploitation and even revolts. Services and stability: The Egyptian regime brought services to the Levant as Muhammad Ali believed in a modernising reforming role. He was concerned with education, which was poor in the Levant, and was involved with the reinstitution of kuttabs, primary Islamic schools. Starting in 1835, a plan was implemented for government schools in major cities, as was the system in Egypt, with the goal of preparing youth for military endeavours following the French Lyce system. These schools were a clear success, and other government colleges were established in Damascus, Aleppo and Antioch for the study of military sciences. Experienced teachers form Egypt served in the new schools and books in arts and sciences were brought from Cairo. Canonical Arab texts were published and the foundations for sending educational missions to Egypt were put into place. The cultural environment improved, and the educational system expanded to include foreigners who were encouraged by the Egyptian regime, in addition to missionary schools. Improving health services was another Egyptian concern. Despite a clear focus on hospitals to serve the army, these were open to the general populace. Attention was given to pharmacies that produced medicines and to the practice of quarantine after the Levant was struck with cholera and the plague. Special hygiene laws were put in place to wipe out sources of disease, and violators were punished. Public facilities were an essential component of the services offered by the Egyptian administration, both those that served military purposes and those that served the civilian population. Roads were given special attention, transportation systems improved and mail, especially military post, took on new importance as a mail administration was established. The Egyptian regime shored up factors of stability. The Bedouin were brought in line and the fees they had forced on the population were abolished. As the administration saw that its military could benefit from their services it took measures to settle and protect them. This had positive results bringing in a community that had been difficult to integrate. Thus stability reigned as heads of tribes took responsibility for the people and areas under their control and punishments became tougher. Ibrahim took note of his subjects and met with them, assisting them and opening the door to the airing of grievances. Popular sayings arose about him, for example when one wished to praise someone, one would say, "He's like Ibrahim in his justice and fairness," although his fairness was rather strict. Religious affairs and foreigners: The Egyptian administration's activities in the field of religion were exemplary. Pilgrims on the road to Mecca were provided security, attention was paid to mosques, and the awqaf religious endowments were regulated. Muhammad Ali fortified his power with the responsibility of caring for the holy sites not only in Jerusalem but in the Levant in general. Tolerant Islamic teachings regarding the treatment of non-Muslims, who had previously formed semi- isolated communities, were put into place as the Egyptian administration declared equality between races and religions. Old distinctions were eliminated, religious freedom was granted and financial burdens on Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem were lifted. Strict instructions were issued for the protection of their security, and disputes between the Christian sects in Jerusalem were resolved, particularly those involving the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Egyptian administration granted permission for the renovation of churches and monasteries. Egyptian policies lifted the oppression Christians faced in their daily lives. Traditional discriminatory procedures were done away with and government posts of all kinds were opened up to Christians and they served as representatives in the consultative councils paving the way for religious harmony. Similarly, the Egyptian administration also lifted financial burdens from Jews visiting holy sites and secured their safe passage. It cancelled the regulations restricting Jewish temples and gave permission for their repair and renovation. At the same time, however, it rejected Jewish requests to pave the area adjacent to the Aqsa Mosque and the site of Buraq [the Wailing Wall] on the basis that it was not religiously legal. Interest in Jewish affairs was not restricted to the religious realm, for they were provided security in their everyday lives after having suffered alongside the Christians. Jews also served on the consultative councils. While this was part of the Egyptian administration's political agenda, there was also pressure from foreign consuls to protect the Jews. Despite the strict security measures, scattered incidents took place between Muslims and Jews and between Jews and Christians, and consuls intervened on behalf of the Jews. Jewish delegations visited the Levant due to the open door policy, stability, and special facilities provided at holy sites. Yet the Jerusalem consultative council refused to allow Ashkenazi Jews to own property and only allowed their employment in commerce. Muhammad Ali also refused to open Palestine to Jewish immigration for fear of the danger that might bring. Yet in general the Egyptian administration welcomed foreigners and permitted them to visit cities in the interior. Their consuls travelled freely after having been confined to the coasts in the past. The open door policy served them, and tourism increased. Foreigners, and especially foreign consuls, were showered with privileges which they sometimes abused them. Some sold their security and consular posts, with all their privileges, to the highest bidder. This prevented the Egyptian administration from enjoying its prerogatives, whether in administration, economy or the judiciary, and had negative effects on society. Relations between officials and consuls soured, and although Muhammad Ali attempted to negotiate with them to rectify the situation and avert the dangers of their hostile behaviour, they adopted an aggressive position toward the Egyptian regime and contributed in large part to its decline. The downfall: Certainly the Egyptian regime brought unprecedented advantages to the Levant, but these advantages also required measures that caused a rupture in its structure. It employed compulsive policies against the population to provide supplies for the military forces and forced people to work on public projects. This caused obstacles of its own and harmed the economy. Military conscription was a distressing experience for the population, which was plunged into the ongoing war between the Egyptian and Ottoman forces. Local residents were also used to provide security and weaken tribal forces. The Egyptian administration faced difficulty in such operations, particularly in mountainous regions that sheltered fugitives and those fleeing military conscription under the protection of foreigners. Despite this, it used force in gathering the greatest number of men possible to serve on battle fields. Even those who maimed themselves to avoid conscription were placed in the rear ranks. Only some Levantines joined the military of their own accord, those who were psychologically and mentally prepared and who were mostly from the elite. Opposition to Egyptian rule increased when it banned the possession of weapons upon undertaking the responsibility of security. Levantines had grown accustomed to bearing weapons due to social circumstances and found in them a sense of power. It was therefore not easy to disarm them without arousing their anger. In addition, people suffered under various economic burdens including the monopolies and heavy taxes. The tax farming imposed on various sectors of society led to violent protests. The Palestinian revolt was the first sign of rebellion against the Egyptian regime. A tribal spirit reigned in the southern Levant, and unrest spread throughout its cities. The Druze revolt was characterised by violence and the Lebanese revolt served as the finale to the rebellions against the Egyptian presence and its administration which had used all forms of domination and destruction. Yet tax farming was not the only instigation for revolt. Other contributing factors included the measures taken by the central authority that Levantines were not accustomed to. External factors also played a role, for the Ottoman Empire exerted efforts and polarised the old feudal notables in the Levant to cooperate to take things back to where they were prior to the arrival of the Egyptians. That served their interests of course, and thus treachery played its role as well. European states also participated in the downfall through their desire for Muhammad Ali's defeat, either to protect the regional balance of power, which all states were concerned with, or to serve the specific interests of individual states. Britain schemed to break up the Egyptian entity on Levantine land, and Istanbul took advantage of this. France also participated and orchestrated conspiracies within the consulates. Everyone conspired, and war was declared against the Egyptian regime in the Levant, resulting in Egypt's defeat. It is clear that the decade (1831-1841) during which Muhammad Ali plunged into his Levantine experience drew the curtain on his expansionist endeavour with its end. European states used politics and force to bury it alive out of an urgent need to maintain the Ottoman Empire in its accustomed role and in keeping with their policies which completely contradicted those of Egypt's Pasha. On the other hand, however, the experience proved Egypt's ability to rule the Levant. Muhammad Ali was able to modernise society through the new systems that were successfully put in place. Despite its flaws, the approach employed in the Levant bore fruitful results at that time. Yet the enemies of the regime exploited the nature of the society that had previously been in control. They were able to feed it and successfully planned for it to lead the Levant backwards to enter a new period of hatred and zealotry. * The writer is professor of modern and contemporary history at the Faculty of Arts, Benha University and the author of Faruq wa-suqut al-malakiyah fi Misr, 1936-1952 (Farouk and the fall of the monarchy in Egypt, 1936-1952), (1989), and al-Hukm al-Misri fi al-Sham, 1831-1841 (Egyptian Rule in the Levant, 1831-1841) (1990).
