Having taken a risk on Washington and agreed to talks with Israel, Palestinians are wondering what Obama will do about Israel's murderous aggression, writes Khaled Amayreh in the West Bank The Obama administration is struggling to limit the negative impact of the Israeli Freedom Flotilla massacre on the newly revived peace process, still reeling under heavy pressure, suspicion and uncertainty. The administration has carefully refused to condemn the Israeli attack on civilian aid ships, sending a negative message to the Palestinian leadership and masses that counting on the US to check Israel is daydreaming. This realisation is salutary, given that the main tactical goal on the part of the Palestinians in reviving talks with Israel was to please Washington and thereby -- in theory -- gain the latter's commitment to pressure Israel to end settlement expansion and cede all or most of the territories occupied in 1967, allowing for the creation of a viable Palestinian state. Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas strongly condemned the "carnage at sea", calling the incident "a real massacre". Last week, Abbas was quoted as saying that "the [present] Israeli government can't be a real peace partner." He also said, "We are effectively negotiating with the United States, not with Israel." Abbas's disillusionment was reportedly triggered by Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's refusal to resume negotiations from the point where they were left off during the term of the previous Israeli government, under Ehud Olmert and Tzipi Livni. Moreover, US reluctance to give the PA leadership assurances that the ultimate endgame of peace talks would be a viable Palestinian state based on 1967 borders is creating frustration in Ramallah. Perhaps the events of Monday help put that frustration in perspective. On Monday, the day Israeli naval forces attacked the Gaza Freedom Flotilla in the eastern Mediterranean, killing and wounding dozens of activists, the PA leadership decided to dispatch a high-ranking delegation to the Gaza Strip to discuss efforts to bring about national reconciliation with Hamas. The decision came amidst fresh indications that Fatah is more willing now to meet certain conditions demanded by Hamas, at least with regards to the peace process. These include total Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967, dismantling of Jewish settlements, and repatriation of Palestinian refugees pursuant UN General Assembly Resolution 191. In recent weeks, Palestinian tycoon Munib Al-Masri held extensive talks with Hamas leaders in Gaza and reportedly succeeded in overcoming important obstacles that had previously inhibited concordance between the two sides. Meanwhile, the head of Hamas politburo, Khaled Meshaal, welcomed the PA decision to dispatch a Fatah delegation to Gaza, labelling the decision "a step in the right direction". Speaking during a visit to Yemen, Meshaal said the Palestinians were facing a "historical moment". "We in Hamas are willing and ready to conclude a reconciliation agreement." Similar statements were made by Hamas's Gaza leaders, including Mushir Al-Masri who demanded that Fatah release as many as 1,000 Hamas activists allegedly detained in PA jails in the West Bank. Al-Masri, who was speaking on Al-Jazeera Television, said the PA would have to abandon futile talks and sever security coordination with the Israeli army. But it is unlikely that the PA will meet these conditions, especially those pertaining to security coordination with Israel, since doing so would undermine the PA's material survival and might lead donor countries -- especially the US -- to sever aid to Ramallah. It is not clear what subjects the Fatah delegation will be discussing in Gaza. It is also unclear whether the delegation will be authorised to take decisions that might result in a breakthrough with Hamas. Sabri Saidam, deputy secretary-general of the Fatah Revolutionary Council, said during a television interview Tuesday, 1 June, that the delegation would reassert erstwhile national constants accepted by both Fatah and Hamas. "There is a common ground with Hamas, and we hope that the movement will deal positively with our overture." He added that for the sake of the Palestinian cause and putting an end to decades of Israeli insolence and intransigence, it was imperative to conclude a national reconciliation accord between Hamas and Fatah. Notwithstanding the narrowing gap between Gaza and Ramallah, genuine and final reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas doesn't depend solely on the two sides. Indeed, the US, and to a lesser extent the European Union, has declared consternation about any serious rapprochement between the two largest Palestinian political movements. The US is worried that reconciliation would radicalise Palestinian discourse -- i.e. within the Palestine Liberation Organisation -- discourse with regards to negotiations with Israel, which could lead to the collapse of the entire peace process. The US and Israel have always calculated that the PA could or would be cajoled or bullied into lowering its ceiling with regards to the outcome of peace negotiations with Israel. On the other hand, there is a widespread impression among Palestinians and their allies that the continued rift between Fatah and Hamas perpetuates Palestinian weakness vis-à-vis Israel and makes the conclusion of a just and dignified peace very unlikely. Following the Freedom Flotilla massacre, many Palestinians believe the ball is decidedly in the American court. In the recent past, Palestinians and others asked if the US would have courage to pressure Israel to take a step towards peace. A year ago, President Obama made his famous outreach to Arabs and Muslims, promising "mutual respect" and equality in Washington's foreign dealings. Palestinians see now as the time for him to deliver.
